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Tag: Kurds

December 10th, 2012

A Cry For Freedom

Musa Anter—His Life And Times

Ohio University

Athens, Ohio

Kani Xulam

November 30, 2012

 

Ever since Nuunja Almasude and Elizabeth Story invited me, back last May, to speak to you, I’ve probed the depths of my mind—which some of my friends will tell you doesn’t take a long time—to merit the much-appreciated honor you have kindly extended to me.

I’ll try not to waste your valuable time.

I’ll keep in mind that he who measures his words by the inch, but speaks by the yard—should be shown the door by the foot!

First, let me sincerely commend you for being Ohio’s first state university—founded in 1804, a year after Ohio became a state—and 68 years before the founding of Ohio State University, which many people may think of first when Ohio universities are mentioned.

But Ohio State is not first—you are!

And you are first by three score and eight years, as Abraham Lincoln might put it.

Come to think of it, Lincoln couldn’t put it that way—or any way.  He couldn’t even talk.

When Ohio University was opened, he had not yet been born—and would not be for another five years.

That’s right—you were already five years old when Abraham Lincoln was born.

By contrast, Ohio State, when Lincoln was born—still had another 63 years to go before its birth.

Speaking of your distinguished past, I discovered another eminent accolade for your laurel leafs.

You are the first university established in the old “Northwest Territory”—now the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin—and you are the ninth oldest public university in America.

You definitely have a historic name, in your city: Athens—which I assume was named for ancient Athens in Greece, one of the oldest cities in the world, continuously inhabited for some 7,000 years.

When we think of the Athens of old, we think of the famous philosophers—such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle—and that celebrated and noble physician, Hippocrates…as well as many other renowned figures: Pericles who shines brightly in the pages of Thucydides or Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes who speak to us directly through their surviving plays.

The Greeks gave us so much.

I should not neglect to mention perhaps the greatest orator of Athens, Demosthenes.

I’m told he sharpened his vocal chords by putting pebbles in his mouth and speaking against the roaring waves of the Mediterranean Sea.

By learning to speak clearly—even with stones in his mouth, amid the noise of the pounding waves—he became even better as he gradually removed the stones, one or two at a time.

Well, as you can already tell, I am no Demosthenes.

So I beg your indulgence if I clumsily sound like I still have some stones in my mouth…

To be sure, the stones are not physical, they may be ethereal and in some ways more debilitating than the proverbial pebbles of the celebrated Greek orator.

Let me try and explain what I mean.

Again, it was a Greek who knew the answer, but it took me the education of two universities to find it.

Imagine discovering that you are a lowly slave at a place of higher learning.

My epiphany emerged when a professor asked us to name the three most momentous events of 1776.

I was in America then, and we seemed to be in agreement that Jefferson’s beloved republic obviously qualified as one of the answers.

But there was stony silence as to the other two. Our good professor volunteered them: The Decline and Fall of Roman Empire by Edward Gibbon and The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith.

A stateless person, I remember murmuring to myself, can a book really be as important as the independence of a state?

I had to read these books.  And I have.

And in Gibbon, I discovered something else, something unexpected, courtesy of Homer, the blind bard of Ancient Greece that froze me in my tracks:

I was only a half man, according to the author of Iliad and Odyssey. Yes, you heard me right: what you see is not the real me, but merely a mirage.

The real Kani, according to Homer, lost half of himself in captivity in Turkish misruled Kurdistan.

The real Kani is not allowed to speak or write in Kurdish the way you do in English.

The real Kani related to the blind bard when he said, “in the first day of his servitude the captive is deprived of one half of his [manhood].”

The real Kani wants to feel full again, man again:

Like the Poles in Poland and the Danes in Denmark.  And, yes, the real Kani would love nothing better than to help his people, the Kurds, be free and his country, Kurdistan, independent.

While in college, I learned something else about the Greeks.  They knew how to take a measure of man, his life, and his times, in a way that we have lost in our times.

They did it through something called funeral orations.  The solemnity of the event added to the drama.  The most distinguished citizen of the city-state was chosen for the mission.

The dearly departed was graciously measured for his deeds in a way that was richly expansive and detail-oriented, dramatically galvanizing the assembled crowd.

I want to try—and I emphasize the word try—something similar this afternoon.

I’m going to attempt such a Greek-style oration for a Kurdish man who was brutally murdered.

What was his alarming offense?

He got the silly idea of expanding the boundaries of freedom and liberty to all of God’s cherished children.

Worse yet, he told others about it!

He was a beloved man of letters, and his death enraged all freedom-loving Kurds.  Thousands rushed to the city of his death to pay him their last respects.

But the Turkish government did not want—and would not allow—a Kurdish patriot to be honored, since Kurdish patriotism is akin to Turkish treason.

Their gangster-like response was so unspeakably malicious—so outrageously hateful and incredibly shameful—that I doubt if you can even imagine it.

They viciously snatched his body from the hospital and cruelly dumped it in the dirt road of the village where he was born—as if he were a filthy bag of rotten potatoes.

That’s how the heartless Turks delivered their soulless funeral oration for this Kurdish patriot.

But let’s assume we can give him a heartfelt and soulful funeral oration that was his due, as free Greeks did in the golden age of Athens.

Imagine that I could majestically wave Merlin’s magic wand and whisk us in a time machine back to that serene Grecian era when Socrates walked leisurely in the magnificent shadow of Acropolis.

The most distinguished citizen of the Polis—for you non-Greeks, that’s city—would take to the podium and give a splendid oration pleasing to Plato and Cicero, perhaps, rivaling Mark Antony’s impressive eulogy for Julius Caesar.

In American terms, it might be reminiscent of Nathan Hale’s heroic regret on the gallows that he had but one life to give for his country.

The citizen’s eulogy might even gush with torrents of sublime eloquence that soared from the inspiring lips of Patrick Henry when he magnificently declared:

“Give me Liberty or Give me Death!”

I wish I could give you such a spell-binding oration.

Regrettably, I, a lowly Kurd, can not do it.

But I can tell you a story—a true story—that I hope you will clutch warmly to your heart and take home with you, to silently nurture with serious reflection.

I would be extremely grateful for your somber thought for this afternoon, tomorrow—and, God willing, for the rest of your lives…since we never know when the cold, grim hand of death may strike us…especially we Kurds.

My simple oration won’t be worthy of Pericles.  Nor will it resonate with the glory of Demosthenes.

But it will be honest and heartfelt, shouting with all the sincere conviction I have.

I hope to always blow the trumpet of freedom, as long and loud as I can, for all the Kurdish patriots who are fighting and dying for liberty in the blood-soaked mountains of Kurdistan.

“For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound,” the apostle Paul reminds us in first Corinthians 14:8, “who shall prepare himself to the battle?”

I hope God gives me the courage and strength to perpetually give the daring trumpet for Kurdish freedom a certain sound—an imperishable sound—and that I am always prepared to battle for Kurdistan’s independence!

God help me, I can do no less.

I hope I can speak, not just this afternoon but always, not just for Kurds, but for all the oppressed people around the world.

Someone is always needed to stand up for all the poor, downtrodden souls who have been unfairly beaten, bruised and left to die along the highways and byways of injustice in our merciless globe.

Isaiah heard the voice of the Lord, saying: “Whom shall I send?  And who will go for us?”

Isaiah answered: “Here am I, Lord.  Send me.”

As my tormented compatriots are heroically fighting and dying in Kurdistan, I humbly say, like Isaiah:  “Here am I.”

My story is about a man named Musa Anter, also affectionately known as Apê Musa, who was brutally gunned down in Amed, the unofficial capital of Kurdistan, 20 years ago last September.

If I could be that ancient Greek orator, giving him his just due, I would say something like this:

Dear Apê Musa or in English, Uncle Moses:

We are gathered here to honor you.

That is not easy, because I feel like an impostor—swallowed by your giant shadow.

You boldly stood up for Kurdish rights when the terrorizing sword of Damocles hung ominously over anyone foolish enough to defend freedom. 

Kurds were like dead men walking—clanging their cruel chains like Jacob Marley’s Christmas-eve ghost before Ebenezer Scrooge. 

Kurdistan was declared illegal about one hundred years ago—when the unsinkable Titanic plunged to its death in the icy waters of the North Atlantic.

Our fathers were treated like shackled slaves, ordered to assume the identities of our masters—forced to uproot our Kurdish heritage—destroying it root and branch.

It became fashionable to say, cringing in fear, that we were Turks or Persians or Arabs. 

Slavery was proclaimed to be stylish—even declared the apotheosis (to borrow from the Greeks again) of advancement. 

But, thank God, you didn’t buy any of it, Uncle Moses. 

You were born a Kurd and no one was going to make you deny that fundamental fact.

You saw through their clever words and called them out as the destroyers of cultures that they were.

The more violently they ganged up on you, the more heroically you fought back. 

Your courageous life reminds me of Emperor Aurelian’s one-liner, “The gods have decreed that my life should be a perpetual warfare.” 

Yours was, Uncle Moses.  You not only saved the lives of many Kurds—but exquisitely inspired them to stay the grueling course.

For that noble effort, we gratefully salute you. 

You were born during the turbulent years of the hideous Armenian Genocide—when Ottoman Turks butchered a million or more feeble souls.

You had no choice, of course, of when you came.

But God works in mysterious ways.

I am convinced that you were put here to stand boldly against these godless cruelties. 

Suffering became your middle name, but you kept faith.  Like the needle to the pole, you never wavered.

Your mom named you Seyh Musa, after a sultan, known for his liberality and love of learning. 

She wanted you to tread in his footsteps.

Reading introduced you to justice, which compelled you to look into Kurdish rights.

All your days and nights were dedicated to the Kurds and Kurdistan.

You wanted the Kurdish voice respected and accepted. 

Bigots were incensed by your supposed impertinence.  In your teens, they branded you as a person of interest—a scandalous scar you gallantly carried to your grave.

One more thing about your Kurdish name: Kurds love to shorten names. 

So your two-word name, Seyh Musa, was fused into one word, Seyhmuz, and later simply Muso.  When your mom registered you at school, the Turks put you down as Musa, a derivative of Moses. 

Some Kurds who knew you well teased you as our rod-less Moses. 

Sadly, like the Jewish prophet, you never entered the Promised Land.  We lost you at Canaan’s edge.  But like Moses, you held onto the sacred trust with both hands.

Armies did not scare you; you had something stronger than them: truth and justice.

Lord Palmerston had seen it before you when he had observed:

“Opinions are stronger than armies—if they are founded in truth and justice, they will…prevail against the bayonets of infantry, the fire of artillery, and the charges of cavalry.”

Truth and justice were always your constant, unfailing lodestars.

Unfortunately, they also painted perilous bulls-eye targets on your back.

The Turkish bigots finally ambushed you at age 75. 

They murdered you, but your glorious martyrdom, at least, left us one bit of good news:

You died, as you always wanted, on the job—with your boots on.

Now we are trying desperately to fill your gigantic, seven-league boots.

Ancient philosophers and religion tell us that souls are deathless, so let me tell you something that you never knew when you were alive. 

Remember, your mom always warned you: “Son, never trust a word of a Turk or an Arab.” 

But what she didn’t know—could never imagine—was that the Turks would deceitfully recruit a Kurd to kill you. 

In her days, Kurds never thought of collaborating with their enemies. 

Now some do. 

The Greeks knew it all along, as Aeschylus expressed it so graphically and poetically in his Libyan fable.

It told of an eagle, who after being shot with an arrow, looked at the features of the shaft and said:

“With our own feathers, not by others’ hands,

Are we now smitten?”

Turkey, for example, has invested 450 billion dollars in its latest war against the Kurds—a scandalous amount considering the immoral ways it has been put to use:

Using the lure of big money to entice thousands of poor and vulnerable Kurds to take up arms against their fellow Kurds and kinsmen.

Transferring untold millions to the bloated coffers of primarily American arms merchants—fortifying its Kurdish-killing arsenals with the state-of-the-art technology.

The insidious trafficking in human misery is paying off handsomely in Kurdish blood.

Last December, American-leased drones killed 34 innocent Kurdish villagers—19 of whom were children.

It pains me to ask this, but do you think President Obama really cares about these heart-rending calamities?

I mean no disrespect, of course, but sometimes, it’s hard to tell.

I would like to believe that he does—at least more than the Turks do.

Some of you may have volunteered for his campaign and may even have access to his personal email.

You might want to shoot him an email with your impressions of American weapons being used to kill Kurds.

You could also point out that a society that killed my Uncle Moses for promoting freedom is no different than the society that killed your beloved Uncle Tom, beaten to death for gallantly refusing to betray the whereabouts of two escaped slaves.

I spoke of deathless souls.  Now let me move on to deathless men and women. 

While researching the civil rights movement of black Americans in the 1960s, I looked for lessons to advance Kurdish freedom. 

I saw a cartoon about Dr. King’s murder in 1968.  A Chicago Sun-Times artist drew a picture of him beside Gandhi in heaven. 

The caption had Gandhi saying: “The odd thing about assassins, Dr. King, is that they think they have killed you.”

Gandhi was right. Dr. King did become immortal. 

So did you, Uncle Moses, 24 years later, on a September evening in 1992, when your consecrated presence graced the balconies of heaven with the world’s immortals.

I wonder who welcomed you into heaven?

Knowing your love of literature, I hope it was Mark Twain or John Steinbeck.

Mark Twain said something that unintentionally crisscrossed with your ill-fated assassination:

“The only distinctly criminal class in America,” the eminent humorist said, “is Congress.”

Twain was, of course, speaking tongue-in-cheek—as he so often did, such as when he said:

“Suppose you were an idiot.  And suppose you were a member of Congress.  But I repeat myself.”

All joking aside, it is deadly serious in Turkey—where a member of that truly criminal ruling class treacherously recruited your murderous assassin.

But your tragic death has spawned a remarkable resurrection—a cherished silver lining for all Kurdish patriots:  your books now grace their library shelves.

When I pick up one, I think of another renowned resurrection: “he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live.”  John 11:25

Yes, you still live—Uncle Moses—through your wonderful books! 

And when the lands of our fathers and mothers become ours again, our teens will study you the way Americans do Mark Twain.

Let me, at this time, read a moving passage from your memoirs.  It summarizes 89 years of abuse in the hands of Turks and Turkey like nothing ever has.

“It is a custom in medical science to do biopsies for the sake of curing patients.  Think of me as someone who was taken from the Kurds as a sampling.

“Pathologists work on tissue and issue their reports accordingly.  But the clueless [Turkish] authorities that worked on me had already declared me as carcinogenic. 

“Forty years later, I was declared safe—not malignant.  In the meantime, my life and body had been wasted because of their experiments.  My memoirs are an account of these trials and tribulations.”

Although you spent 11 years behind bars and countless hours in unjust courtrooms, your judgment that you were found “not malignant” was premature.  

You were tricked into believing that. 

Your mom failed to warn you about the cunning Turks, who hired a treacherous Kurd to kill you.

You could never have imagined that, with your charitable assessments of our implacable foes. 

Maybe you should have paid closer attention to the biblical parable of the tares and the wheat, and how, like oil and water, they don’t mix, because they are so profoundly different.

One is good and healthy.

The other is evil and harmful.

The wicked tares are separated and burned—according to the Bible—while the trustworthy wheat is put in the barn.

Don’t misjudge my use of that analogy.  I’m not advocating burning all Turkish tares—even those who murder us.

But I will say this, Uncle Moses, now that you are safely in the heavenly barn—I hope at least that evil tare who killed you will taste the scorching flames of hellfire.

While you remained on earth, despite the enormous limitations you suffered, you never ceased to expand the boundaries of freedom and liberty. 

I am enormously awed by your courageous record.  Any occasional critique is not directed at you personally, but meant to educate the young. 

Besides, as Catherine the Great said: “I praise loudly. I condemn softly.” 

One of my “softies” is about your use of the words, “malignant tumor,” the accusation that the Turks leveled at you throughout your life.

Did you ever read late Susan Sontag? 

Her tart tongue knew how to define the destroyers of humanity. 

Had she been a Kurd, she would have said of our most implacable foe: “Turkey is the frightening cancer of Kurds.”  

The difference between you and her is that you grew up in captivity and felt compelled to defend yourself. She grew up in freedom and used her liberty to offend those who flaunted such godless and lawless contempt for our common humanity. 

In your memoirs, you talked glowingly of Bedirxans who were exiled to Crete for fighting the Ottomans in the 1840s. 

In the interest of full disclosure, the Bedirxans, although known as patriots in Kurdish history, actually did some things that were—well, less than splendid. 

Crete, at that time, although essentially Greek, was occupied by the Ottoman Turks.  In 1850s, the natives rose up against the Turkish tyranny.

Our Kurds—in hopes of ending their exile—sided with the Turks and crushed the Greek rebellion.

That was a big mistake.

The cause of freedom, to put it in a university context, is not some fleeting infatuation, some momentary high school crush, or some short-lived delight to giggle over at the soda fountain and then forget about.

No-sir-ree!  The universal, worldwide and never-ending cause of freedom—if it is to survive and flourish—must be an undying passion that burns with unquenchable fire in the heart and soul of its true disciples.

That means noncooperation with the despots always and forever.

Your craving for freedom, Uncle Moses, triggered many brushes with the law.

Time does not permit me to go into all of them, but one of the worst was when you were held in solitary confinement for 195 days at a prison in Istanbul. 

For five months, you were not allowed to shower.

Sunlight never entered your cell. 

Food was scarce.  Lice were not. 

Open sewage flowed freely nearby.

I’m sure maggots were never far away.

Death danced in the air, brazenly hovering at your forsaken door.

Death actually stepped through the door of Emin Batu, a third-year law school student, who before he died, coughing and choking on his own blood, feebly scribbled on his cell wall, with his own blood:

“Instead of being a rose in a prison, I would rather be a thorn in freedom.” 

I salute you, Uncle Moses, for being a constant thorn for freedom in the side of injustice, which included, at a later date, a merciless beating that cracked your head open, nearly blinding you and ruining your hearing during another imprisonment.

But that suffering is all past now, as I conclude your well-deserved eulogy.

Uncle Moses, you clearly stand out—like the huge antlers of a giant stag standing on a rocky knoll against the setting sun—gleaming as a towering lover of truth and stalwart fighter for justice. 

One piece of good news: 

The Kurdish turncoat who murdered you is now behind bars. Another turncoat gave him away. 

The bad news is that Turkey still remains our most implacable foe.

Its new leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, still thinks he can force Kurds to turn into Turks—forsaking our beloved motherland through brutal terror and intimidation.

Our armed struggle goes on, but I am happy to report that our children have started to pronounce names like Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. King.  10,000 Kurdish political prisoners went on a hunger strike some two months ago, some this month, which ended on November 17. 

Although they did not accomplish their stated goals, at least not yet, the respected strikers displayed such admirable self-sacrifice and inspiring fearlessness that it clearly rattled the Turkish bigots.

I’m convinced that final victory for the Kurds lies through the path of nonviolence, as Gandhi and Dr. King showed us.  And I feel like we may be on the cusp of this strategic change.

I began with ancient Athens and its heroes. 

I’ll end with Sparta and one of its kings.

Lycurgus was his name and to him belongs one of the most celebrated careers in antiquity.  His warriors adorn the pages of history.  His times were marked with intellectual pursuits more than physical exercises. 

In his reign, there is a tale about Spartans getting their slaves drunk in front of their children.  They wanted their kids to see how excessive drinking would make fools of them, in hopes that they would avoid drunkenness. 

Slavery, my friends, is far more deadly than being drunk.

Drunk people get over their temporary affliction.

Slaves do not.

Their chains remain!

Those ancient Greek slaves who went to bed drunk…they woke up sober.

When modern Kurds go to bed, drunk or sober, they still wake up bound with their maddening chains of slavery.

I hope my presence here has made it abundantly clear that I don’t want you to try becoming a Kurd.

But you don’t have to actually become a Kurd to join our struggle for Kurdish freedom.

Many of your Ohio ancestors who were not black eagerly joined the young anti-slavery movement to help eliminate the dark scourge of black slavery from America’s past.

They gallantly formed the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society in 1835. 

They fearlessly risked prosecution and personal harm by opening secret stops on the Underground Railroad, which aided runaway slaves.

Within a year, the society had mushroomed from 20 chapters to 120, with some 10,000 members throughout the state. 

Its founders were mainly from nearby Oberlin College, which in 1835 became the first American college to regularly admit black students, something almost unheard of in those days.

It would not be unheard of today, however, if a group of students here at Ohio university—blacks, whites, Asians, Hispanics, everyone—showed the same boldness of your Ohio forebears and formed a new Kurdish Freedom Society, working to free the enslaved Kurds. 

That would be music to my ears—a splendid Beethoven symphony proclaiming humanity’s undying struggle against tyranny. 

You could help do for the Kurds today what your glorious Ohio ancestors did in magnificently removing the shameful, dignity-stripping manacles from black American slaves of the past.

We need all the help we can get.

As things stand, our godless and lawless neighbors have no plans to change our status from servitude to freedom.  Most people who are not enslaved don’t understand the evils of slavery—or the overwhelming preciousness of what they do have: freedom! 

I hope you are not one of them. 

I hope tyrants enrage you the way they enraged Patrick Henry. 

If they do, I will leave Athens, Ohio, happy. 

I will leave joyful, believing that my children and grandchildren will one day visit here, and read a plaque that might say something like this:

“On this spot in 2012, Ohio university students formed the first ever Ohio Kurdish Freedom Society, dedicated to freeing Kurdish people from their cruel masters, Turks, Persians and Arabs.”

Pardon me if I seem pushy.

But as the blind bard of ancient Greece said, “Humility is not good if you are needy.”

Neither can beggars be choosy.

We are thankful for anything you graciously give us.

Help us in any way you can.

Down with the piccolo—up with the trumpet!

I would love to hear you blow the inspiring trumpet of freedom with your powerful pens and your talented tongues.

We Kurds will be eternally grateful if you could extend to us, in the hallowed words of your blessed founding fathers, in their historic declaration of independence: your fortunes and your sacred honor.

But, let me hasten to add, we’ll be content with only a small part of your fortune—and all the sacred honor you wish to give. 

With your help, we can make the world safe for the likes of Uncle Moses, or as we say it in Kurdish, Apê Musa.

And let’s do all we possibly can to make it uncomfortable for those who wallow in bigotry.

With your help—with your brilliant young minds, coupled with your dedicated energy and your infinite zeal—working for us, not even the demons at the gates of hell can prevail against us.

To help you decide, I’ll leave you with this stirring inscription on the tomb of Christopher Chapman, in Westminster Abbey, bearing the date of 1680:

What I gave, I have,

What I spent, I had,

What I left, I lost

–By not giving it!

May god help us all to give!

We should not give until it hurts.

We should give until it feels good!

With God’s help, and yours—which I fervently pray you will give us, in whatever large or small way you can—the tormented Kurds will one day emerge triumphantly from the dismal darkness of slavery.

With your generous help, the suffering Kurds will finally walk in the bright sunshine of freedom.

As saint Francis of Assisi so beautifully reminded us: “it is in giving that we receive.”

By giving your time and energy, we can all march forward together—into that radiant tomorrow of freedom.

Like your better tomorrow of 1776.

Like your better tomorrow that ended slavery.

Like your better tomorrow that ushered in civil rights for all Americans.

Like the better tomorrow that we Kurds still anxiously wait for—and with your help will one day achieve!

December 18th, 2011

Is Nonviolent Resistance an Option for the Kurds?

Go see “Min Dit”

Kani Xulam
December 18, 2011

(A slightly older version of this piece also appeared on Rudaw.net earlier today, December 18, 2011.)

If you want to see a good Kurdish film that tries to define the complicated Kurdish Question in 102 minutes, go see “Min Dit”.  The late Evrim Alatas, a journalist covering the killing fields of Kurdistan, is credited with its story.  The Filmmaker, Miraz Bezar, has adapted it to the screen.  At first sight, violence seems to be its primary theme.  The children are its collateral damage.  A Kurdish folktale about a wolf — played on a tape recorder — is in the background as a bedtime story.  In the tale itself, the wolf attacks the livestock.  The villagers put on their guns and get on their horses to kill the beast.  A village elder intervenes: he wants to handle the predator himself.  His request is granted.  He approaches the animal carefully and offers it meat.  As the wolf devours the offering, it turns gentle.  The old man takes advantage of the opportunity and ties a bell around its neck.  It is the beginning of the end for the wolf.  No longer can it engage in sneak attacks on the unsuspecting livestock of the villagers.  The children, quick learners, take the tale’s message to heart.  They use it to expose the Turkish thugs who have murdered their parents.  Watching the film, I had a cathartic moment.  I had gone through a similar feeling when the Kurds had mounted the statue of Saddam Hussein on April 12, 2003 in Kirkuk.  I am looking forward to a replay of the same in Turkish Kurdistan when the mounting is done to Ataturk.  Lukman Ahmad, the struggling Kurdish artist in Northern Virginia, is right: “Art is stronger than politics.”  “Min Dit” is a good proof of it.

Not everybody was on board, at the Washington, DC showing of the film, with the central theme of the movie: nonviolent resistance as a tactic.  During the Q&A session with the director, a viewer expressed something to the effect, “We,” meaning the Kurds, “would be foolish to turn the other cheek,” a reference to Jesus’ admonition to his disciples in Matthew (5:39): “But I say, do not resist an evil person! If someone slaps you on the right cheek, offer the other cheek also.”  I don’t think we should reject Jesus or his message outright.  There has to be a reason for their enduring popularity in our merci-less world.  While I am no authority on either, some of my favorite authors speak highly of both: John Ruskin, Leo Tolstoy, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.  And the message of the film was not about Jesus per se, but one of our own, an old Kurdish man, who, when confronted with an existential threat, didn’t just fold, but fought back, and (read this part slowly and twice) with wisdom, élan and elegance. How many of us know how to fight like that?  Really.  In the latest Kurdish uprising in Turkish Kurdistan, close to 90 percent of the losses have been our own.  A change in tactics will not mean disrespecting the memories of the fallen, as the above referenced viewer thought it might, but only smarting from our losses to take stock of our situation for the good.  We have to also admit to a brutal fact: we have lost every battle for freedom in the last two hundred years.  Only our staying power has saved us, so far, from the evil designs of our adversaries.  A reevaluation of our situation is certainly needed.  This film compels you to inch towards that necessary moment.

The film itself begins with an old man selling cigarettes for a living on the streets of Amed, a.k.a., Diyarbakir.  You can’t help but wonder why would he sell poison to steal days from the lives of the living.  Chances are he is oblivious to what he is doing.  Poverty is not conducive to speculative pursuits.  Because I come from Amed, the city where “Min Dit” was filmed, and because I know the type, I could easily picture him living a comfortable life in his village tucked away in the mountains of Kurdistan as a farmer or animal herder before his forced displacement.  That life was subjected to an earthquake of sort because of the armed struggle of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) against the occupation forces of the Turkish government.  That resistance and its suppression have created a recurring cycle in Kurdish lands.  The youth in the villages join the rebels.  The Turkish army retaliates by destroying their settlements.  The old and the youngest flee to the larger cities.  Hunger, homelessness, fear and a bleak future welcome the uprooted into their new environments.  Proud grandfathers end up selling cigarettes to stay alive.  Young mothers sell anything  –  even, sometimes, their bodies  — to buy toys, often guns, for their children.

If the scene reminds you some passages from Thomas Hobbes, you are not far off.  Life comes close to his famous words: “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”  That is what happens to you if fate sends too many Turks your way.  They don’t know how to rule, worse, they think allowing the Kurds to rule themselves will mean the end of the world.  They have a prime minister who engages in hypnotics as a matter of policy and talks to the Kurds as if they were retards.  In his words,  “Sorun var diye inanmayacaksın, sorun yok diye inanacaksın.  Sorun var diye inanırsan sorun olur.  Sorun yok dersen sorun ortadan kalkar.  –  which translates as, you have to not believe that there is a [Kurdish] question, you have to believe that there is no [Kurdish] question.  If you believe there is a [Kurdish] question there will be a [Kurdish] question.  If you say there is no [Kurdish] question there will not be a [Kurdish] question [the italics are mine].”  Never mind that some 45 thousand people, mostly Kurds, have died in the most recent and still ongoing Turkish-Kurdish conflict.  His arrogance and habitual lies remind one of Fyodor Pavlovitch, a character in The Brothers Karamazov.  What Father Zossima tells Mr. Pavlovitch can easily be said of Mr. Erdogan: “The man who lies to himself can be more easily offended than any one.  You know it is sometimes very pleasant to take offense, isn’t it?  A man may know that nobody has insulted him, but that he has invented the insult for himself, has lied and exaggerated to make it picturesque, has caught at a word and made a mountain out of a molehill – he knows that himself, yet he will be the first to take offense, and will revel in his resentment till he feels great pleasure in it, and so pass to genuine vindictiveness.”  Genuine vindictiveness…  Doesn’t that sum up the policy of Erdogan and his ilk towards the Kurds?  What else could explain his army’s use of chemical weapons against 36 Kurdish fighters on October 22, 2011?  And we still have some happy-go-lucky Kurds who have tethered their fate to his capriciousness.  I feel like giving a copy of The Brothers Karamazov to every one of these Kurds.

After the opening shots of the film, we are introduced to a journalist by the name of Vedat Gun.  He covers the killing fields of Kurdistan for a fledgling Kurdish newspaper, Ozgur Gundem.  Death is his daily intake as water is ours.  He has a wife, Sevda, and they have three children: Dilovan, Firat and Gulistan.  It is a tense job in a tense city teeming with soldiers, armored vehicles, tanks, helicopters and fighter planes even though we don’t get to see many of them on the screen, but hear them in the background.  The humor is dark; the smiles are bitter and short.  Yekbun, Sevda’s sister, is a Kurdish activist.  Sevda is worried about her and tells her so.  Yekbun shots back: “Don’t worry sis.  There are one hundred thousand Turkish soldiers in the city.  It is the safest place to be…”

It is the opposite.  The soldiers are there to hunt the Kurds.  They target the bravest, the brightest, the kindest, and the most politicized  –  the favorite Kurds of the Turks are the happy-go-lucky ones.  A Kurdish guy, Memo, is a fugitive.  Yekbun asks her sister if he could stay with them.  It is a tough decision, but hospitality is all-important.  Sevda talks to her husband.  They agree to have him.  It is a dangerous arrangement.  As Memo moves from house to house, his hosts are discovered.  Vedat is put under surveillance.  The fact that he is a journalist is an additional “bonus.”  Right around that time, Vedat and his family are invited to a wedding in nearby Elih, a.k.a., Batman.  He borrows a friend’s car.  He and his family have a great time at the celebration.  On the way back, they are stopped.  The killers, masquerading as Turkish police officers, kill him and his wife in front of their children.  It is a hellish scene.  I was only partly happy that, at least, Vedat and Sevda’s last day was a festive one.  I kept playing their dancing scenes in my mind while watching them die on the screen.

Yekbun, Sevda’s sister, takes charge of the children.  As she tries to make arrangements to fly with them to their grandfather in Sweden, the police arrest her.  They also get Memo.  Both are tortured.  Later, their dead bodies are dumped outside of the city as if they were trash.  Yekbun missing, the children are all alone.  Dilovan, the infant girl, needs care, but Firat and Gulistan, who are seven and ten years old respectively, can’t provide it.  A neighbor who has been helpful relocates to Istanbul.  Money runs out.  House furniture is pawned for emergencies.  But when Dilovan gets sick, they can’t afford to buy her medicine.  Unable to pay their bills, their water is cut off.  The electricity soon follows.  Dilovan’s death comes after.  On the day of her burial, they are also evicted from their apartment.  They wander in the streets like rudderless ships in a hostile sea.  It dovetails well with the master plan of the Turks.  A shocked and awed Kurdish youth will never challenge the Turkish rule.  But what the Turks don’t understand is that Gulistan has internalized the wisdom of the old folktale.  A mind has been lit by fire.  Understanding beyond her years guides her actions now.  It is like as if God has finally decided to pay a visit to Amed.  To quote one of Dr. King’s favorite prophets, Amos (5:24): “Let justice flow like a river and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream.”  It does.  A warm feeling takes over your body.  At least it did mine.

That it takes the help of a prostitute to deliver justice to the leader of Turkish thugs is one of the more interesting twists of the film.  Dilara, a Kurdish hooker, meets the homeless siblings in a city park when they are munching on bread for nourishment.  She needs customers and the kids are desperate for an income to stay alive.  She asks them if they would distribute her flyers in exchange for some spending money.  They accept the proposal.  Initially, Dilara reneges on her promise and cheats the kids.  But Gulistan runs into Dilara again and they manage to work out a plan to help each other.  Dilara can’t afford a pimp to protect her from violent customers, but uses Gulistan as a lookout.  Despite the awkwardness of initial encounters, a routine is established.  One day, one of the callers turns out to be the killer of Vedat and Sevda.  Gulistan recognizes him, but holds her tongue  –  when the same happens to Firat, in an earlier scene, he freezes and wets himself.  In the meantime, we find out that the killer has a son that he adores  –  he is as old as Firat  –  and a beautiful wife that adores him.

But this supposedly “family man” is not at peace with himself.  The Turkish rulers are not just killing Kurds for fun, but also failing their own flesh and blood, the Turks.  Sleep escapes him.  Restlessness is his companion.  Cigarettes hardly ever leave his lips.  You can’t help but ask yourself, was that the reason the old man was selling cigarettes for a living at the beginning of the film?  Because he lives the life of a killer and a liar, like his prime minister, again, as Father Zossima of Dostoyevsky would have put it, “[He] loses all respect for himself and for others.  And having no respect he ceases to love, and in order to occupy and distract himself without love he gives way to passions and coarse pleasures, sinks to bestiality in his vices, all from continual lying to other men and himself.”  In such a state of mind, he continues to meet with Dilara and one day asks her and Gulistan to accompany him to his apartment.  Dilara is hesitant, says, “I don’t go to the homes of my customers,” but Gulistan urges her to do so and she complies.  To the killer’s home, they go.

When Gulistan enters the apartment, it is like a Jew entering the headquarters of Gestapo in Berlin or an Iraqi Kurd entering the command center of Mukhābarāt in Baghdad or a Tibetan entering the offices of Ministry of State Security in Beijing or my favorite, the old man of the folktale entering a pet store to buy himself another bell to disarm another wolf  –  sorry People for Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), I don’t mean real wolves, but people who have developed wolfish characteristics, like the Turks.  While Dilara is servicing the bestiality of the Turkish thug, Gulistan is on a mission of her own.  She finds out the true identity of the killer.  She steals one of his photos.  She grabs his gun and considers avenging the death of her parents, but hears, I think, the old man of the folktale telling her not to go for violence or instant gratification.  She doesn’t.  Instead, she steals his gun and goes to her brother, Firat, and says, “I saw the killer.”  Its shortened version, “Min Dit,” becomes the title of the film.

Firat, in the meantime, has teamed up with a bunch of other homeless kids.  They steal for a living.  They cultivate their violent streak by killing live frogs with slingshots.  With the discovery of the killer, the children decide to expose him like the wolf in the bedtime story.  They make a flyer with the information Gulistan has collected from his apartment.  They deliver one to his door handing it to his son.  They distribute the others from house to house and shop to shop throughout the neighborhood.  They take control of the PA system in the local mosque and denounce him as the killer of Vedat and Sevda from the top of a minaret as if God were making the announcement.  They use the streets as blackboards and write out his name and crimes in large block letters for all to see.  Right away, the neighbors shun him, as does his son.  He goes berserk as an involuntary big smile crosses your face.  The Turks have a built-in advantage in violence.  It behooves us to look for their soft underbelly.  Having shepherded livestock in the mountains of Kurdistan as a kid, I can tell you from experience that a whip that weighs ten ounces can corral a bull that weighs 3000 pounds.  I will also be the first to note that it is harder to engage in nonviolent resistance than violent retaliation.  But we have tried the latter.  It is high time we also experimented with the first.

If you are a Kurd or a friend of the Kurds, please consider hosting a showing of this film in your communities to spark a debate about what is happening in Turkish Kurdistan.  If your means allow it, consider also inviting the filmmaker, Miraz Bezar, for a Q&A session.  He knows how to tickle minds; your audiences will love him.  Many thanks to the Kurdish Studies Association (KSA) of Middle East Studies Association (MESA) for doing both at the latter’s annual conference in Washington, DC in early December.

November 19th, 2011

When a Kurdish Boy Meets a German Girl

(A copy of this review also appeared on rudaw, a Kurdish online newspaper.)

Kani Xulam
November 18, 2011

A new novel about the Kurds has hit the bookstores. Sophie Hardach is its author. She is German, but her book is in English. Because most diaspora Kurds live in Germany, because I like the way German mind works (just look at the way their cars work) and because Kurds could always learn something useful these days from the observation of others, I ordered my own copy, “The Registrar’s Manual for Detecting Forced Marriages”. I have now finished reading it. It is critical of the Kurds — I liked it; I don’t like it when Kurds praise themselves to the skies with nothing to show for it. It speaks of the cold of exile from the experience of someone who has actually lived it — a good writer can do that; watch out for her other promising books in the near future. It tackles the themes of idealism and cynicism too, alas, I saw more of the latter than the former. And I was in for a surprise as well, Islamophobia, a subject that I had hardly associated with the Kurds and Kurdistan, until now, that is.

The protagonist of the novel is a Kurdish boy named Selim. The narrator, a spunky and feisty German woman, introduces him to us when he is swimming to the shores of Italy in Adriatic. For reasons that are entirely not clear, he and his companions have disembarked at a spot where raw sewage is dumped into the sea. Is it because the border police think no one could possibly stand the stench of the slime of Italians? In front of the Kurds beckon the shores of freedom and behind them the memories of loved ones who have been tortured, sometimes to death, in Turkish prisons. And no, the sea doesn’t part for these forsaken children of God. With nothing to lose but their miserable lives, they dash for the firm land and actually make it. But liberty’s wages have always been high and a Kurdish baby named Evin, meaning love in English, becomes lifeless in the passage. Her parents place the dead body in a shallow grave on the beach, cover it with sand, and move on. You can’t help but admire the Kurds for their stoicism. And the writer does.

Selim eventually makes it to Germany. He is placed in an asylum house not for the insane but the stateless among whose denizens are Nigerians who are claiming to be Liberians and Egyptians who pass as Palestinians. The Nigerians and the Egyptians are discovered and deported, but Selim, because he is a minor and indeed stateless, is allowed to stay till his case is adjudicated. In the meantime, the authorities think he should learn German. He is registered at the local high school. Not knowing the languge of Germans, he feels lost and sticks out like a sore thumb. Some Turkish hoodlums gang up on him and actually beat him. Five years later, his case is decided. When he is 18, he must be deported. While he is still 17, he is introduced to the narrator of the book, a politically sensitive German girl, for a possible marriage of convenience to thwart the government’s plan to deport him. She goes for it. Selim is happy, but somehow doesn’t think his happiness will hold.

Reading the story thus far, you cannot help but admire the German girl for her act of solidarity. You get curious about her character. She is not shy to supply the answer. At one point in her narration, she talks of a fellow German called Carl, who helps refugees like Selim, saying, “He actually puts up Kurdish refugees in his flat, after they have gone underground, so they won’t be deported. I mean how many people do that? Everyone’s always, like, oh, if I had lived under the Nazis I would have hidden all my Jewish neighbors and I would have been such a saint, but right now how many people actually go and offer food and shelter or really any kind of basic help to people who face deportation? Like, who does that? We don’t, right?” And at another, speaking of herself, she says, “Like many teenagers, I had long been into politics. Not party politics, which I wrote off as corrupt and boring, but the politics of values: justice, equality, freedom.”

Finally you say, or at least I did, here is an unblemished mind fully dedicated to doing her share to right the wrongs that have been piled on the Kurds. In addition to helping the sole Kurd, she becomes an anarchist and colors her hair green, to express solidarity with the Green movement? she doesn’t say, and takes part in demonstrations against the storage of radioactive waste on German soil. When confronted with the police, while blocking the railroad tracks that is, she has her fellow anarchist, Julian, say, “If you don’t respect our lives, we don’t respect your laws.” Imagine this motto becoming a slogan in the mouths of the Kurds in Turkey, the place that continues to torment Selim even when he is in Germany. But I am getting ahead of myself here. Going back to our narrator, unlike most Germans, she is not afraid of her country’s Nazi past and talks of it when the occasion calls for it.

In 1989, she writes, the authorities in her school decided to change the name of her high school from Gymnasium to Heinrich-Heine-Schule. Heinrich Heine, she tells her English readers, was a Jewish poet. And she doesn’t just stop there. She also points out that the ceremony for the name change overflowed with “heartfelt hypocrisy” and was 45 years too late. Heartfelt hypocrisy! I liked the phrase at first sight. I think it could be used for a tombstone of someone like the prime minister of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Imagine reading, here lies a mortal who championed the rights of Palestinians to a state of their own but denied the same right to the Kurds under his care and died of heart attack due to utter hypocrisy. Again, forgive me for the digression; I just couldn’t help it. In Nazi years, the narrator goes on to add, the school was named after the fuhrer, Adolf-Hitler-Schule. But for the high school to get its prewar name, Heinrich-Heine-Schule, it had to endure not just a war, but also the prejudices of a generation that lingered around for the next 45 years.

I realize that I have so far spoken primarily of the narrator and things mainly German and would like to now tell you of Selim, the Kurdish character, who is psychoanalyzed as if he were on Freud’s famous couch. Initially, I thought it was too intrusive; eventually, I realized it was cathartic. Kurds should pay heed to the narrator of Sophie Hardach. She is critical, but not mean. She loses her idealism; Selim’s part in it is not inconsequential. Tennyson once wrote, “I am part of all that I have met.” The narrator, by the time she divorces Selim, has become a little bit like him and here is the harder question: has Selim become a little bit like her? At times, you want to say, yes. At other times, you are not sure. If the question were posed to the narrator, her answer would have been a categorical no. Selim’s answer would have been, probably, a maybe. What follows is how I see their interaction, as a Kurdish activist. Until you read the book, you are going to have to put up with my observation.

Although theirs is a make believe marriage, like its real counterpart, it has its taxing moments. Dr. Habicht, the attorney representing Selim, needs to be discreet, as do the partners of this fake union, the narrator and the Kurd. They have to have a real address and the immigration authorities have to be notified of their every move. After her graduation from high school, the narrator moves to France to attend a university in Paris. The French, she finds out, are not as intrusive as the Germans to her great relief. Her friends, when she tells them of Selim, find it exotic that she has a Kurdish connection. But Selim, inured to bad news, the narrator tells us, never thought the union, even on paper, would ever be consummated. Once married, he does his share to keep up appearances. But the German stickiness for rules almost brings down this house of cards. Selim moves to a new place, but forgets to notify the authorities. The narrator is asked about it when she is renewing her passport, but manages to make up for Selim’s carelessness. The fact that the narrator has to lie about her marital status year after year gets to her. In one angry outburst, she says, “There was the simple fact that my freedom, my not being arrested, entirely depended on a group of insiders keeping their word and being discreet. In particular, it depended on the competence and organization of someone I knew to be neither competent nor organized: Selim.”

As if Selim’s carelessness was not enough, 9/11 intervenes. The narrator is in Paris and receives a text message from Julian urging her to check the news. The news doesn’t need elaboration in these pages. What needs to be related though is Lucien’s reaction, at the time the boyfriend of the narrator, who says, “I can tell you one thing, all those movements, Chechnya, Basque Country, all the separatists, they’re finished. America and Europe will say you’re on your own now, and anything your government wants to do to you, we keep away, that’s all over.” History, alas, has proven him right. At the time, I had argued the opposite thinking that the smart Americans would equate their happiness with the greater freedoms in the world. Not just Bush, but Obama too have been the relentless purveyors of violence between the Turks and the Kurds. Although the narrator attests that the Kurdish separatist group, the PKK, made it to the list of terrorist organizations after that fateful day, she is only half right. The United States had already blacklisted the organization; the European Union took some lobbying. The White House needed Turkey in its effort to crush the noxious regime in Afghanistan. Ankara demurred. Nothing salivates the Turkish rulers more than the blood of the Kurds. The European Union’s classification of the Kurdish group as a terrorist group followed suit.

There is also a reference to Selim’s love life. He and a German girl called Dynasty hit it off well and Selim thinks reading her Ehmede Xani, the Shakespeare of the Kurds, may ingratiate him to her. Dynasty can’t really follow Xani’s lines, she is not as much into poetry, but she enjoys Selim’s company and plays along as if she does. They get together again and often, but Selim is uneasy. Fortune has hardly been kind to him and he is not sure if this time it will be any different. Reflecting on it, the narrator thinks aloud for him, saying, “… to think that he would be happy not only today, but tomorrow too, and next month too … that was asking for trouble. That was upsetting the natural order of things, in which Selim was always the loser. Surely, it could not last.”

It doesn’t with Dynasty; they go their separate ways. And after seven years, Selim ends up getting his permanent residency in Germany and divorces the narrator to end their union. The narrator is single again but can never part from her experience of Selim. She too is thoughtful. At another part of the book, she speaks her mind, but one could easily replace “mind” with experience. She says, “As children we didn’t yet understand what was happening in the world; as adults, we no longer cared. As teenagers, we still thought we could change the weather.” It is a damning statement. The narrator has lost her spunkiness and feistiness. Like Selim, she has become inured to the bad news. It is not the parting thought that I wanted from the book, but it was its most poignant passage. Perhaps it says something about a Europe that has lost faith in itself. If so, its Islamophobia may be a reaction to it, a theme I never got a chance to explore, which I hope you will do yourself with the purchase of the book.

March 26th, 2011

Solidarity Vigil / Protest for Kurdish Prisoners of Conscience

Save the Date / Media Advisory

SOLIDARITY VIGIL / PROTEST
for Imprisoned Kurdish Political Prisoners of Conscience

Contact: Kani Xulam
202.483.6444

Washington, DC (March 25, 2011) Right now, at this moment, a long-repressed people in a distant corner of the Middle East is standing up after years of unbearable suffering. This is a people whose language has been outlawed, subjected to all manners of cultural depredation and assimilation, attacked by chemical weapons, and violently displaced in the millions. This people’s demands for freedom and democracy have been met with torture, mass imprisonment, enforced disappearances, assassination, and every other conceivable human rights abuse.

We’re not talking about the popular revolts in the Middle East and North Africa — we’re talking about the Kurds, whose suffering under repressive regimes in Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq continues largely without notice even as the international press focuses on the uprisings in the Arab world.

We’re holding a vigil/protest in front of the Turkish Embassy on April 19 in order to denounce ongoing crimes against the Kurds everywhere and to focus attention on one particular human rights crisis: Turkey’s mass prosecution of 152 leading Kurdish politicians for ‘terrorism’ offenses. When the trial resumes in Diyarbakır on the same day, it will have been more than two years since Turkey began a wave of repression against members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party’s (BDP). According to Human Rights Watch, roughly 1,000 BDP members remain in pre-trial detention.

At the heart of the Turkish prosecution of the Kurds lies the desire of the Turkish government to deny the Kurdish population of Turkey the rights enshrined in Article 15, section 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states, “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.” The Kurdish defendants are in jail for wanting to remain Kurds. They have asked the Turkish Courts to allow them to defend themselves in Kurdish. The Turkish authorities have refused to honor their requests and continue to hold them in prison in spite of Ankara’s adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

At the vigil/protest, our lead banner will read, “Welcome to Kurdish Liberation Square! Turkey: Free Kurdish Politicians Now!” Our signs will say, “Let me say Freedom/Azadi in Kurdish! Let me say Innocent/Besuc in Kurdish! Kurds say Negotiations, Turkey says Prosecutions! Kurds say Equality, Turkey says Domination!” Participants are welcome and encouraged to bring their own signs so long as they are not demeaning and do not condone violence.

“We are very heartened with the rumblings of freedom that are putting an end to the rule of families owning countries in the Middle East. As the United States and its allies help the Libyans to free themselves from tyranny of Qaddafi, we urge the same forces to heed the domination of one race, the Turks, over the other, the Kurds, in Turkey. As Kurdish-Americans, we ask that the Obama administration appoint a special envoy to meet with the duly elected Kurdish representatives in Turkish Kurdistan. It will cost less than the operation over the skies of North Africa,” said Kani Xulam, the director of the American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN).

What: A Vigil/Protest for Imprisoned Kurdish Political Prisoners of Conscience

When: Tuesday, April 19, 2011 – 11:30 AM / 1:30 PM

Where: Turkish Embassy, 2525 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W Washington, D.C. 20008

Who: Kurds and their American Friends

Why: To shed light on the plight of imprisoned Kurdish Prisoners of Conscience

March 1st, 2011

Letters to the Kurdish Patriots — 2 –

A Reflection on the Book, Runaway to Nowhere
Kani Xulam
March 1, 2011

“I thank God that I was born a Greek and not a Barbarian, that I came to this world as a free person and not a slave, and that I was born a man and not a woman.”
–Plato

Last summer I was reading My People, The Story of the Jews by Abba Eban.  I wanted to see what the Israeli statesman would say about his people’s journey into statehood.  The fact that Henry Kissinger had spoken highly of him, saying that, of all his interlocutors, only Eban had reminded the American Secretary of State that English was not his mother tongue, had predisposed me to expect not just an instructive tale, but also an entertaining one.  Call me a snob if you will, but I like my meals not just for their nutritional value, but also for their taste.  Abba Eban, as Dr. Kissinger had observed, delivered on both counts.

But he also had a surprise for me:  In a chapter titled “The Jewish World Today,” he describes the Israeli version of E Pluribus Unum and states that, in modern Israel of 1960s (his book was published in 1968), one could easily run into “a Yemenite coppersmith, a Johannesburg doctor, a Polish professor, a Moroccan shopkeeper, an Argentinean student, a Kurdish porter, …” A Kurdish porter!  I could not believe my eyes.  I guess I should have counted my blessings that I was not reading Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy.  Imagine running into a sentence that said: the lowest ring of Hell is reserved for the Kurds!  Just like on our earth!!

Right around that time, as if I needed a jolt to rouse me from my melancholic state, I got an email from someone with a Kurdish sounding name asking me to review her book for the English speaking Kurds and their friends.  A Kurdish writer. …  It definitely sounded better than a Kurdish porter.  I wrote her back and requested a copy.  I left her with the impression that I would do my best to be a Kurdish reviewer … of her book.  I am sorry that it has taken me this long to get to it.  Far from making excuses, I am only going to tell you of a charming Jewish saying: “Man makes plans, God laughs!”

I have, it is official now, put a stop to God’s laughter at my expense for the time being.  I have finished Qasham Ali Balata’s book, Runaway To Nowhere.  It is, as far as I know, the first of its kind: a Kurdish novel in the language of Charles Dickens.  It is about love.  It is about war.  It is about the haplessness of the Kurdish woman.  It is about the cruelty of the Kurdish man.  It is about the brutality of Arabs.  It is about the fickleness of “Great Powers.”  It is about the dearth of virtue.  It is about the absence of honor.  And yes, it is also about the transience of freedom.

These are hefty subjects.  You are probably reading this on the run and I should, lest I lose you, start off with some levity perhaps.  Here are a few nuggets that should bring smiles to your face as they did to mine!  I bet you had no idea that Kurdish mothers pick daughters for their sons at funeral wakes!  I didn’t and I spent close to twenty years of my life in Kurdistan.  They do so, one character tells us in the book, to avoid an ugly bride, for in Kurdish weddings, the Kurdish maidens put on a lot of make up.

Here is another tidbit that should bring a grin to the face of every American woman who may be reading this review.  If you date a Kurdish man, he will never let you pay for your meals!  Full disclosure: I did so for at least five years when I embraced the cold of exile in Canada.  But don’t turn my lapse into a characteristic of the Kurds; the book is a better authority on the topic.  If you are a western woman suffering from the effects of the distressed economy but would love to indulge yourself, don’t wait for the proverbial prince on a white horse: say yes to your Kurdish colleague who has been asking you out.  And here, you can take my word for it, in Kurdish, we don’t have the words for “date rape.”  It is a habit we can do without to feel “up to date!”

While that thought may be reassuring to the womenfolk, please don’t jump to the conclusion that you should envy the lot of the Kurdish woman.  God forbid, if a Kurdish husband ever becomes rich!  Here is an observation from a character in the novel: “When a Kurd gets rich, he either kills somebody or gets a second wife.”  This is no idle talk.  It makes you want to pray for the Kurds that they will never become rich lest they become criminals or polygamists.  But it looks like your prayers are not necessary.  The Arabs, the Turks and the Persians are in charge of the Kurdish economy.  The Middle East is enjoying its peace.

I have so far dangled some baubles before your eyes, and would like to, now, tell you about the novel itself.  It is a war drama.  It starts off in a place called Mosul.  For those of you who don’t know of the place, it is a dusty city on the banks of Tigris.  But for the narrator, a Kurdish woman, who attends its university, it comes close to being idyllic.  Initially, you are thrown off by the incongruence of the comparison, but soon you realize that even Nome, Alaska would have qualified for the same description.  The reason: it is away from home.  Dear reader: if you are a Kurdish father or mother, please consider doing me a favor.  Send your offspring to Siberia for college.  If my request means nothing to you, remember the old saying, “Distance makes the heart grow fonder, and familiarity breeds contempt.”

At the university itself, five female students share a room.  Four are Kurds; one is an Arab.  The Kurds are from Dohuk and the Arab is from Basra.  They cook for each other and care for one another.  Yes, they do talk about the boys, but no, they never get drunk or face sexile to accommodate frat boys.  Handholding is the extent of their intimacy.  Daydreaming or night dreaming does the rest for them.  Although a war is looming in the horizon, don’t expect any talk about sports from these young women.  I also didn’t see any references to professors that rock their world.  Even their imagination, you can’t help but notice, is stunted.

The war does come.  The students disperse to their respective cities.  Saddam Hussein is dislodged from Kuwait in less than 100 hours.  President Bush feels invincible.  Thinking that his nod is enough to topple a dictator, he urges the peoples of Iraq to show a pink slip to the Butcher of Baghdad.  The Shiites in the South and the Kurds in the North do exactly that  –  mistaking the American president’s statement as a form of support.  They pay sorely for it.  The Shiites are slaughtered.  The Kurds take to their only “friends,” the mountains.  Nareen, the narrator, becomes the reluctant chronicler of this mass exodus.  In wars, Macaulay once observed, people live fast lives.  Nareen’s account bears witness to it.

Unlike the Red Sea that parts to accommodate another emergency for another people, the Kurdish mountains remain impervious to the larger drama of its children. In the words of one character, they devour especially “children under three years old and [the] elderly.”  Cold wears the robes of the angel of death.  Hunger and thirst aid and abet and thousands are lowered into shallow makeshift graves.  You can’t help but remember your Thomas Hobbes from college.  Life, as the English philosopher once so memorably put it, is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” in the spring of 1991 in what is today known as Iraqi Kurdistan.

Do you want examples?  Omed, a little boy of three or four years old, is abandoned by his parents.  If you are a parent, you want to say NO, no such thing could ever happen to my relatives, much less to my own child.  Count your blessings.  Pray to God that war has not knocked on your door for a visit.  There is also an irony in the story: the boy’s name means “hope” in Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic and Persian.  Although forsaken by God, Omed survives  –  miraculously one should add  —  and reunites with his family.  It is not something that you expect given the circumstances.  If he were real and I were him, I would have changed my name to Omed X.  Nothing less would have expressed my anger.

In the novel, Nareen makes a reference to Love in the Time of Cholera by Gabriel García Márquez.  Since I have not read the novel, I couldn’t place it in the context of the unfolding Kurdish drama.  Is it that love conquers it all?  The most moving part of the Kurdish novel comes, not when Karwan, Nareen’s boyfriend, writes her love letters, but when the Kurdish Peshmerga forces liberate Kurdistan, if only for a short while.  Can it be that liberation and love are one and the same?  It reminded me of a passage in Christopher Hitchens’ autobiography, Hitch – 22: “I am sorry for those who have never had the experience of seeing the victory of a national liberation movement, and I feel cold contempt for those who jeer at it.”

Since I have told you of the most moving part of the book, I should also tell you of its most revolting passage.  It belongs to two Kurdish girls, Meyan and Berivan, who are exchanged to marry each other’s fathers.  Both are in their teens.  Neither one is consulted.  Meyan marries Berivan’s father, who has six kids.  Berivan marries Meyan’s father, who has seven.  If you don’t think this is gross, Meyan is in love with Ari, a friend and a relative.  She tells Nareen, “Any time [my husband] touches me … I get sick and throw up.”

Considering that I want you to be a potential reader of this book, (yes, think of yourself as “an American reader” … if you will), honesty compels me to share with you a few other morsels about it.  If you have ever wanted to know how to make Dolmas, one of the most popular dishes of the Kurdish cuisine, you are in luck  –  Nareen tells you how to do it.

Remember, I told you how President Bush had urged the Kurds to put the Butcher of Baghdad out of work and then gone AWOL.  I was expecting Nareen to pull off a Malcolm X when she encountered her first American in flesh and blood.  Nothing of the sort happens.  If there were a Richter scale for anger, there were no tremors.  Even in fiction, the Kurdish woman is incapable of rage.  Is this normal?  Has fear erased anger from the psychology of the Kurds?  I think it behooves us Kurds to look into this.

I will end with a wish from Nareen.  It is part of her conversation with Emily, her sole American friend, a photojournalist who has joined her ranks to chronicle the story of the Kurds.  I wish, she says, that we had “a united Kurdish state  –  a wish that will continue to live in my heart and the hearts of millions of Kurds across the globe.  And personally, I wish to find Karwan soon and get married and have four children.”

There isn’t anything anyone could do for the second part of Nareen’s wish, for her Karwan becomes a martyr in the cause of Kurdistan.  But we could perhaps help Nareen with the purchase of this book since she glorifies the emancipation of the Kurds.  Oh, one last thing: I have nothing against the porters.  Work is sacred so long as it serves a useful purpose.  What I am against is the expectation or classification that all Kurds should accept life as such.  Nareen doesn’t think so; we shouldn’t either.

October 2nd, 2010

A Commentary …

A Commentary from Kurdistan Commentary About Our Ongoing Protests.