Ohio University

Athens, Ohio

Kani Xulam

November 30, 2012

Ever since Nuunja Almasude and Elizabeth Story invited me, back last May, to speak to you, I’ve probed the depths of my mind—which some of my friends will tell you doesn’t take a long time—to merit the much-appreciated honor you have kindly extended to me.

I’ll try not to waste your valuable time.

I’ll keep in mind that he who measures his words by the inch, but speaks by the yard—should be shown the door by the foot!

First, let me sincerely commend you for being Ohio’s first state university—founded in 1804, a year after Ohio became a state—and 68 years before the founding of Ohio State University, which many people may think of first when Ohio universities are mentioned.

But Ohio State is not first—you are!

And you are first by three score and eight years, as Abraham Lincoln might put it.

Come to think of it, Lincoln couldn’t put it that way—or any way.  He couldn’t even talk.

When Ohio University was opened, he had not yet been born—and would not be for another five years.

That’s right—you were already five years old when Abraham Lincoln was born.

By contrast, Ohio State, when Lincoln was born—still had another 63 years to go before its birth.

Speaking of your distinguished past, I discovered another eminent accolade for your laurel leafs.

You are the first university established in the old “Northwest Territory”—now the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin—and you are the ninth oldest public university in America.

You definitely have a historic name, in your city: Athens—which I assume was named for ancient Athens in Greece, one of the oldest cities in the world, continuously inhabited for some 7,000 years.

When we think of the Athens of old, we think of the famous philosophers—such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle—and that celebrated and noble physician, Hippocrates…as well as many other renowned figures: Pericles who shines brightly in the pages of Thucydides or Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes who speak to us directly through their surviving plays.

The Greeks gave us so much.

I should not neglect to mention perhaps the greatest orator of Athens, Demosthenes.

I’m told he sharpened his vocal chords by putting pebbles in his mouth and speaking against the roaring waves of the Mediterranean Sea.

By learning to speak clearly—even with stones in his mouth, amid the noise of the pounding waves—he became even better as he gradually removed the stones, one or two at a time.

Well, as you can already tell, I am no Demosthenes.

So I beg your indulgence if I clumsily sound like I still have some stones in my mouth…

To be sure, the stones are not physical, they may be ethereal and in some ways more debilitating than the proverbial pebbles of the celebrated Greek orator.

Let me try and explain what I mean.

Again, it was a Greek who knew the answer, but it took me the education of two universities to find it.

Imagine discovering that you are a lowly slave at a place of higher learning.

My epiphany emerged when a professor asked us to name the three most momentous events of 1776.

I was in America then, and we seemed to be in agreement that Jefferson’s beloved republic obviously qualified as one of the answers.

But there was stony silence as to the other two. Our good professor volunteered them: The Decline and Fall of Roman Empire by Edward Gibbon and The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith.

A stateless person, I remember murmuring to myself, can a book really be as important as the independence of a state?

I had to read these books.  And I have.

And in Gibbon, I discovered something else, something unexpected, courtesy of Homer, the blind bard of Ancient Greece that froze me in my tracks:

I was only a half man, according to the author of Iliad and Odyssey. Yes, you heard me right: what you see is not the real me, but merely a mirage.

The real Kani, according to Homer, lost half of himself in captivity in Turkish misruled Kurdistan.

The real Kani is not allowed to speak or write in Kurdish the way you do in English.

The real Kani related to the blind bard when he said, “in the first day of his servitude the captive is deprived of one half of his [manhood].”

The real Kani wants to feel full again, man again:

Like the Poles in Poland and the Danes in Denmark.  And, yes, the real Kani would love nothing better than to help his people, the Kurds, be free and his country, Kurdistan, independent.

While in college, I learned something else about the Greeks.  They knew how to take a measure of man, his life, and his times, in a way that we have lost in our times.

They did it through something called funeral orations.  The solemnity of the event added to the drama.  The most distinguished citizen of the city-state was chosen for the mission.

The dearly departed was graciously measured for his deeds in a way that was richly expansive and detail-oriented, dramatically galvanizing the assembled crowd.

I want to try—and I emphasize the word try—something similar this afternoon.

I’m going to attempt such a Greek-style oration for a Kurdish man who was brutally murdered.

What was his alarming offense?

He got the silly idea of expanding the boundaries of freedom and liberty to all of God’s cherished children.

Worse yet, he told others about it!

He was a beloved man of letters, and his death enraged all freedom-loving Kurds.  Thousands rushed to the city of his death to pay him their last respects.

But the Turkish government did not want—and would not allow—a Kurdish patriot to be honored, since Kurdish patriotism is akin to Turkish treason.

Their gangster-like response was so unspeakably malicious—so outrageously hateful and incredibly shameful—that I doubt if you can even imagine it.

They viciously snatched his body from the hospital and cruelly dumped it in the dirt road of the village where he was born—as if he were a filthy bag of rotten potatoes.

That’s how the heartless Turks delivered their soulless funeral oration for this Kurdish patriot.

But let’s assume we can give him a heartfelt and soulful funeral oration that was his due, as free Greeks did in the golden age of Athens.

Imagine that I could majestically wave Merlin’s magic wand and whisk us in a time machine back to that serene Grecian era when Socrates walked leisurely in the magnificent shadow of Acropolis.

The most distinguished citizen of the Polis—for you non-Greeks, that’s city—would take to the podium and give a splendid oration pleasing to Plato and Cicero, perhaps, rivaling Mark Antony’s impressive eulogy for Julius Caesar.

In American terms, it might be reminiscent of Nathan Hale’s heroic regret on the gallows that he had but one life to give for his country.

The citizen’s eulogy might even gush with torrents of sublime eloquence that soared from the inspiring lips of Patrick Henry when he magnificently declared:

“Give me Liberty or Give me Death!”

I wish I could give you such a spell-binding oration.

Regrettably, I, a lowly Kurd, can not do it.

But I can tell you a story—a true story—that I hope you will clutch warmly to your heart and take home with you, to silently nurture with serious reflection.

I would be extremely grateful for your somber thought for this afternoon, tomorrow—and, God willing, for the rest of your lives…since we never know when the cold, grim hand of death may strike us…especially we Kurds.

My simple oration won’t be worthy of Pericles.  Nor will it resonate with the glory of Demosthenes.

But it will be honest and heartfelt, shouting with all the sincere conviction I have.

I hope to always blow the trumpet of freedom, as long and loud as I can, for all the Kurdish patriots who are fighting and dying for liberty in the blood-soaked mountains of Kurdistan.

“For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound,” the apostle Paul reminds us in first Corinthians 14:8, “who shall prepare himself to the battle?”

I hope God gives me the courage and strength to perpetually give the daring trumpet for Kurdish freedom a certain sound—an imperishable sound—and that I am always prepared to battle for Kurdistan’s independence!

God help me, I can do no less.

I hope I can speak, not just this afternoon but always, not just for Kurds, but for all the oppressed people around the world.

Someone is always needed to stand up for all the poor, downtrodden souls who have been unfairly beaten, bruised and left to die along the highways and byways of injustice in our merciless globe.

Isaiah heard the voice of the Lord, saying: “Whom shall I send?  And who will go for us?”

Isaiah answered: “Here am I, Lord.  Send me.”

As my tormented compatriots are heroically fighting and dying in Kurdistan, I humbly say, like Isaiah:  “Here am I.”

My story is about a man named Musa Anter, also affectionately known as Apê Musa, who was brutally gunned down in Amed, the unofficial capital of Kurdistan, 20 years ago last September.

If I could be that ancient Greek orator, giving him his just due, I would say something like this:

Dear Apê Musa or in English, Uncle Moses:

We are gathered here to honor you.

That is not easy, because I feel like an impostor—swallowed by your giant shadow.

You boldly stood up for Kurdish rights when the terrorizing sword of Damocles hung ominously over anyone foolish enough to defend freedom. 

Kurds were like dead men walking—clanging their cruel chains like Jacob Marley’s Christmas-eve ghost before Ebenezer Scrooge. 

Kurdistan was declared illegal about one hundred years ago—when the unsinkable Titanic plunged to its death in the icy waters of the North Atlantic.

Our fathers were treated like shackled slaves, ordered to assume the identities of our masters—forced to uproot our Kurdish heritage—destroying it root and branch.

It became fashionable to say, cringing in fear, that we were Turks or Persians or Arabs. 

Slavery was proclaimed to be stylish—even declared the apotheosis (to borrow from the Greeks again) of advancement. 

But, thank God, you didn’t buy any of it, Uncle Moses. 

You were born a Kurd and no one was going to make you deny that fundamental fact.

You saw through their clever words and called them out as the destroyers of cultures that they were.

The more violently they ganged up on you, the more heroically you fought back. 

Your courageous life reminds me of Emperor Aurelian’s one-liner, “The gods have decreed that my life should be a perpetual warfare.” 

Yours was, Uncle Moses.  You not only saved the lives of many Kurds—but exquisitely inspired them to stay the grueling course.

For that noble effort, we gratefully salute you. 

You were born during the turbulent years of the hideous Armenian Genocide—when Ottoman Turks butchered a million or more feeble souls.

You had no choice, of course, of when you came.

But God works in mysterious ways.

I am convinced that you were put here to stand boldly against these godless cruelties. 

Suffering became your middle name, but you kept faith.  Like the needle to the pole, you never wavered.

Your mom named you Seyh Musa, after a sultan, known for his liberality and love of learning. 

She wanted you to tread in his footsteps.

Reading introduced you to justice, which compelled you to look into Kurdish rights.

All your days and nights were dedicated to the Kurds and Kurdistan.

You wanted the Kurdish voice respected and accepted. 

Bigots were incensed by your supposed impertinence.  In your teens, they branded you as a person of interest—a scandalous scar you gallantly carried to your grave.

One more thing about your Kurdish name: Kurds love to shorten names. 

So your two-word name, Seyh Musa, was fused into one word, Seyhmuz, and later simply Muso.  When your mom registered you at school, the Turks put you down as Musa, a derivative of Moses. 

Some Kurds who knew you well teased you as our rod-less Moses. 

Sadly, like the Jewish prophet, you never entered the Promised Land.  We lost you at Canaan’s edge.  But like Moses, you held onto the sacred trust with both hands.

Armies did not scare you; you had something stronger than them: truth and justice.

Lord Palmerston had seen it before you when he had observed:

“Opinions are stronger than armies—if they are founded in truth and justice, they will…prevail against the bayonets of infantry, the fire of artillery, and the charges of cavalry.”

Truth and justice were always your constant, unfailing lodestars.

Unfortunately, they also painted perilous bulls-eye targets on your back.

The Turkish bigots finally ambushed you at age 75. 

They murdered you, but your glorious martyrdom, at least, left us one bit of good news:

You died, as you always wanted, on the job—with your boots on.

Now we are trying desperately to fill your gigantic, seven-league boots.

Ancient philosophers and religion tell us that souls are deathless, so let me tell you something that you never knew when you were alive. 

Remember, your mom always warned you: “Son, never trust a word of a Turk or an Arab.” 

But what she didn’t know—could never imagine—was that the Turks would deceitfully recruit a Kurd to kill you. 

In her days, Kurds never thought of collaborating with their enemies. 

Now some do. 

The Greeks knew it all along, as Aeschylus expressed it so graphically and poetically in his Libyan fable.

It told of an eagle, who after being shot with an arrow, looked at the features of the shaft and said:

“With our own feathers, not by others’ hands,

Are we now smitten?”

Turkey, for example, has invested 450 billion dollars in its latest war against the Kurds—a scandalous amount considering the immoral ways it has been put to use:

Using the lure of big money to entice thousands of poor and vulnerable Kurds to take up arms against their fellow Kurds and kinsmen.

Transferring untold millions to the bloated coffers of primarily American arms merchants—fortifying its Kurdish-killing arsenals with the state-of-the-art technology.

The insidious trafficking in human misery is paying off handsomely in Kurdish blood.

Last December, American-leased drones killed 34 innocent Kurdish villagers—19 of whom were children.

It pains me to ask this, but do you think President Obama really cares about these heart-rending calamities?

I mean no disrespect, of course, but sometimes, it’s hard to tell.

I would like to believe that he does—at least more than the Turks do.

Some of you may have volunteered for his campaign and may even have access to his personal email.

You might want to shoot him an email with your impressions of American weapons being used to kill Kurds.

You could also point out that a society that killed my Uncle Moses for promoting freedom is no different than the society that killed your beloved Uncle Tom, beaten to death for gallantly refusing to betray the whereabouts of two escaped slaves.

I spoke of deathless souls.  Now let me move on to deathless men and women. 

While researching the civil rights movement of black Americans in the 1960s, I looked for lessons to advance Kurdish freedom. 

I saw a cartoon about Dr. King’s murder in 1968.  A Chicago Sun-Times artist drew a picture of him beside Gandhi in heaven. 

The caption had Gandhi saying: “The odd thing about assassins, Dr. King, is that they think they have killed you.”

Gandhi was right. Dr. King did become immortal. 

So did you, Uncle Moses, 24 years later, on a September evening in 1992, when your consecrated presence graced the balconies of heaven with the world’s immortals.

I wonder who welcomed you into heaven?

Knowing your love of literature, I hope it was Mark Twain or John Steinbeck.

Mark Twain said something that unintentionally crisscrossed with your ill-fated assassination:

“The only distinctly criminal class in America,” the eminent humorist said, “is Congress.”

Twain was, of course, speaking tongue-in-cheek—as he so often did, such as when he said:

“Suppose you were an idiot.  And suppose you were a member of Congress.  But I repeat myself.”

All joking aside, it is deadly serious in Turkey—where a member of that truly criminal ruling class treacherously recruited your murderous assassin.

But your tragic death has spawned a remarkable resurrection—a cherished silver lining for all Kurdish patriots:  your books now grace their library shelves.

When I pick up one, I think of another renowned resurrection: “he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live.”  John 11:25

Yes, you still live—Uncle Moses—through your wonderful books! 

And when the lands of our fathers and mothers become ours again, our teens will study you the way Americans do Mark Twain.

Let me, at this time, read a moving passage from your memoirs.  It summarizes 89 years of abuse in the hands of Turks and Turkey like nothing ever has.

“It is a custom in medical science to do biopsies for the sake of curing patients.  Think of me as someone who was taken from the Kurds as a sampling.

“Pathologists work on tissue and issue their reports accordingly.  But the clueless [Turkish] authorities that worked on me had already declared me as carcinogenic. 

“Forty years later, I was declared safe—not malignant.  In the meantime, my life and body had been wasted because of their experiments.  My memoirs are an account of these trials and tribulations.”

Although you spent 11 years behind bars and countless hours in unjust courtrooms, your judgment that you were found “not malignant” was premature.  

You were tricked into believing that. 

Your mom failed to warn you about the cunning Turks, who hired a treacherous Kurd to kill you.

You could never have imagined that, with your charitable assessments of our implacable foes. 

Maybe you should have paid closer attention to the biblical parable of the tares and the wheat, and how, like oil and water, they don’t mix, because they are so profoundly different.

One is good and healthy.

The other is evil and harmful.

The wicked tares are separated and burned—according to the Bible—while the trustworthy wheat is put in the barn.

Don’t misjudge my use of that analogy.  I’m not advocating burning all Turkish tares—even those who murder us.

But I will say this, Uncle Moses, now that you are safely in the heavenly barn—I hope at least that evil tare who killed you will taste the scorching flames of hellfire.

While you remained on earth, despite the enormous limitations you suffered, you never ceased to expand the boundaries of freedom and liberty. 

I am enormously awed by your courageous record.  Any occasional critique is not directed at you personally, but meant to educate the young. 

Besides, as Catherine the Great said: “I praise loudly. I condemn softly.” 

One of my “softies” is about your use of the words, “malignant tumor,” the accusation that the Turks leveled at you throughout your life.

Did you ever read late Susan Sontag? 

Her tart tongue knew how to define the destroyers of humanity. 

Had she been a Kurd, she would have said of our most implacable foe: “Turkey is the frightening cancer of Kurds.”  

The difference between you and her is that you grew up in captivity and felt compelled to defend yourself. She grew up in freedom and used her liberty to offend those who flaunted such godless and lawless contempt for our common humanity. 

In your memoirs, you talked glowingly of Bedirxans who were exiled to Crete for fighting the Ottomans in the 1840s. 

In the interest of full disclosure, the Bedirxans, although known as patriots in Kurdish history, actually did some things that were—well, less than splendid. 

Crete, at that time, although essentially Greek, was occupied by the Ottoman Turks.  In 1850s, the natives rose up against the Turkish tyranny.

Our Kurds—in hopes of ending their exile—sided with the Turks and crushed the Greek rebellion.

That was a big mistake.

The cause of freedom, to put it in a university context, is not some fleeting infatuation, some momentary high school crush, or some short-lived delight to giggle over at the soda fountain and then forget about.

No-sir-ree!  The universal, worldwide and never-ending cause of freedom—if it is to survive and flourish—must be an undying passion that burns with unquenchable fire in the heart and soul of its true disciples.

That means noncooperation with the despots always and forever.

Your craving for freedom, Uncle Moses, triggered many brushes with the law.

Time does not permit me to go into all of them, but one of the worst was when you were held in solitary confinement for 195 days at a prison in Istanbul. 

For five months, you were not allowed to shower.

Sunlight never entered your cell. 

Food was scarce.  Lice were not. 

Open sewage flowed freely nearby.

I’m sure maggots were never far away.

Death danced in the air, brazenly hovering at your forsaken door.

Death actually stepped through the door of Emin Batu, a third-year law school student, who before he died, coughing and choking on his own blood, feebly scribbled on his cell wall, with his own blood:

“Instead of being a rose in a prison, I would rather be a thorn in freedom.” 

I salute you, Uncle Moses, for being a constant thorn for freedom in the side of injustice, which included, at a later date, a merciless beating that cracked your head open, nearly blinding you and ruining your hearing during another imprisonment.

But that suffering is all past now, as I conclude your well-deserved eulogy.

Uncle Moses, you clearly stand out—like the huge antlers of a giant stag standing on a rocky knoll against the setting sun—gleaming as a towering lover of truth and stalwart fighter for justice. 

One piece of good news: 

The Kurdish turncoat who murdered you is now behind bars. Another turncoat gave him away. 

The bad news is that Turkey still remains our most implacable foe.

Its new leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, still thinks he can force Kurds to turn into Turks—forsaking our beloved motherland through brutal terror and intimidation.

Our armed struggle goes on, but I am happy to report that our children have started to pronounce names like Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. King.  10,000 Kurdish political prisoners went on a hunger strike some two months ago, some this month, which ended on November 17. 

Although they did not accomplish their stated goals, at least not yet, the respected strikers displayed such admirable self-sacrifice and inspiring fearlessness that it clearly rattled the Turkish bigots.

I’m convinced that final victory for the Kurds lies through the path of nonviolence, as Gandhi and Dr. King showed us.  And I feel like we may be on the cusp of this strategic change.

I began with ancient Athens and its heroes. 

I’ll end with Sparta and one of its kings.

Lycurgus was his name and to him belongs one of the most celebrated careers in antiquity.  His warriors adorn the pages of history.  His times were marked with intellectual pursuits more than physical exercises. 

In his reign, there is a tale about Spartans getting their slaves drunk in front of their children.  They wanted their kids to see how excessive drinking would make fools of them, in hopes that they would avoid drunkenness. 

Slavery, my friends, is far more deadly than being drunk.

Drunk people get over their temporary affliction.

Slaves do not.

Their chains remain!

Those ancient Greek slaves who went to bed drunk…they woke up sober.

When modern Kurds go to bed, drunk or sober, they still wake up bound with their maddening chains of slavery.

I hope my presence here has made it abundantly clear that I don’t want you to try becoming a Kurd.

But you don’t have to actually become a Kurd to join our struggle for Kurdish freedom.

Many of your Ohio ancestors who were not black eagerly joined the young anti-slavery movement to help eliminate the dark scourge of black slavery from America’s past.

They gallantly formed the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society in 1835. 

They fearlessly risked prosecution and personal harm by opening secret stops on the Underground Railroad, which aided runaway slaves.

Within a year, the society had mushroomed from 20 chapters to 120, with some 10,000 members throughout the state. 

Its founders were mainly from nearby Oberlin College, which in 1835 became the first American college to regularly admit black students, something almost unheard of in those days.

It would not be unheard of today, however, if a group of students here at Ohio university—blacks, whites, Asians, Hispanics, everyone—showed the same boldness of your Ohio forebears and formed a new Kurdish Freedom Society, working to free the enslaved Kurds. 

That would be music to my ears—a splendid Beethoven symphony proclaiming humanity’s undying struggle against tyranny. 

You could help do for the Kurds today what your glorious Ohio ancestors did in magnificently removing the shameful, dignity-stripping manacles from black American slaves of the past.

We need all the help we can get.

As things stand, our godless and lawless neighbors have no plans to change our status from servitude to freedom.  Most people who are not enslaved don’t understand the evils of slavery—or the overwhelming preciousness of what they do have: freedom! 

I hope you are not one of them. 

I hope tyrants enrage you the way they enraged Patrick Henry. 

If they do, I will leave Athens, Ohio, happy. 

I will leave joyful, believing that my children and grandchildren will one day visit here, and read a plaque that might say something like this:

“On this spot in 2012, Ohio university students formed the first ever Ohio Kurdish Freedom Society, dedicated to freeing Kurdish people from their cruel masters, Turks, Persians and Arabs.”

Pardon me if I seem pushy.

But as the blind bard of ancient Greece said, “Humility is not good if you are needy.”

Neither can beggars be choosy.

We are thankful for anything you graciously give us.

Help us in any way you can.

Down with the piccolo—up with the trumpet!

I would love to hear you blow the inspiring trumpet of freedom with your powerful pens and your talented tongues.

We Kurds will be eternally grateful if you could extend to us, in the hallowed words of your blessed founding fathers, in their historic declaration of independence: your fortunes and your sacred honor.

But, let me hasten to add, we’ll be content with only a small part of your fortune—and all the sacred honor you wish to give. 

With your help, we can make the world safe for the likes of Uncle Moses, or as we say it in Kurdish, Apê Musa.

And let’s do all we possibly can to make it uncomfortable for those who wallow in bigotry.

With your help—with your brilliant young minds, coupled with your dedicated energy and your infinite zeal—working for us, not even the demons at the gates of hell can prevail against us.

To help you decide, I’ll leave you with this stirring inscription on the tomb of Christopher Chapman, in Westminster Abbey, bearing the date of 1680:

What I gave, I have,

What I spent, I had,

What I left, I lost

–By not giving it!

May god help us all to give!

We should not give until it hurts.

We should give until it feels good!

With God’s help, and yours—which I fervently pray you will give us, in whatever large or small way you can—the tormented Kurds will one day emerge triumphantly from the dismal darkness of slavery.

With your generous help, the suffering Kurds will finally walk in the bright sunshine of freedom.

As saint Francis of Assisi so beautifully reminded us: “it is in giving that we receive.”

By giving your time and energy, we can all march forward together—into that radiant tomorrow of freedom.

Like your better tomorrow of 1776.

Like your better tomorrow that ended slavery.

Like your better tomorrow that ushered in civil rights for all Americans.

Like the better tomorrow that we Kurds still anxiously wait for—and with your help will one day achieve!

]]> http://kurdistan.org/a-cry-for-freedom/feed/ 0 http://kurdistan.org/kurds-sue-turkish-government-over-massacre-of-their-compatriots/ http://kurdistan.org/kurds-sue-turkish-government-over-massacre-of-their-compatriots/#comments Fri, 27 Jan 2012 17:15:54 +0000 kani http://www.kurdistan.org/?p=1543 Sait Pektaş, Edip Yüksel, Kani Xulam
Versus
The Turkish Government and the Top Commanders of its Military Forces

[The petition was originally written in Turkish; it follows the English version.]

1. To the Chief Public Prosecutor of the Turkish Supreme Court, Bakanliklar, Ankara
2. To the Chief Public Prosecutor of Ankara, Sihhiye, Ankara
3. To the Chief Public Prosecutor of Uludere District, Uludere, Sirnak

CRIMINAL COMPLAINT, INITIATED BY:

1. Av. Sait Pektaş
6756 Rix St. Se
Ada, Michigan, USA

2. Edip Yüksel, J.D.
Adjunct Philosophy Professor
Pima College, Downtown Campus
1245 N. Stone Dr.
Tucson, Arizona, USA

3. Kani Xulam
American Kurdish Information Network
2722 Connecticut Avenue NW # 42
Washington, DC 20008, USA

THE PERPETRATORS/DEFENDANTS AND THEIR CRIMES:

For the crimes of intentionallyand deliberately killing and injuring civilians in mass:

1. Nejdet Özel, Chief of Staff, Turkish Armed Forces, Ankara
2. Commander of Land Forces, Ankara
3. Commander of Naval Forces, Ankara
4. Commander of Air Force, Ankara
5. Commander of Jandarmarie, Ankara
6. Commander of the 7th Army Corps, Diyarbakır
7. Commander of Şırnak Regiment, Şırnak
8. Commander of Uludere military unit, Uludere
9. The Pilots of the four F-16 fighter jets, whose names and addresses are known at the Headquarter of the Turkish Air Force.

For the crimes of encouraging and instigating the mass murder:

1. Fethullah Gülen, Cult Leader, 1857 Mt. Eaton Road, Saylorsburg, PA 18353, USA

For the crimes of creating the conditions and environment for the crimes of mass murder and mass injury by abusing their power and recklessly ignoring their public responsibilities:

1. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkish Prime Minister, Ankara
2. Bülent Arınç, Deputy Prime Minister, Ankara
3. Ali Babacan, Deputy Prime Minister, Ankara
4. Beşir Atalay, Deputy Prime Minister, Ankara
5. Bekir Bozdag, Deputy Prime Minister, Ankara
6. Sadullah Ergin, Minister of Justice, Ankara
7. Fatma Şahin, Minister of Family and Social Policies, Ankara
8. Egemen Bağış, Minister of European Affairs, Ankara
9. Nihat Ergün, Minister of Science, Industry and Technology, Ankara
10. Faruk Çelik, Minister Labor and Social Security, Ankara
11. Erdoğan Bayraktar, Minister of Environment and Urbanization, Ankara
12. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ankara
13. Zafer Çağlayan, Minister of Economy, Ankara
14. Taner Yıldız, Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, Ankara
15. Suat Kılıç, Minister of Youth and Sports, Ankara
16. Mehmet Mehdi Eker, Minister of Food, Agriculture and Stock Raising, Ankara
17. Hayati Yazıcı, Minister of Customs and Trade, Ankara
18. İdris Naim, Minister of Interior, Ankara
19. Cevdet Yılmaz, Minister of Development, Ankara
20. Ertuğrul Günay, Minister of Culture, Ankara
21. Mehmet Şimşek, Minister of Finance, Ankara
22. Ömer Dinçer, Minister of Education, Ankara
23. İsmet Yılmaz, Minister of Defense, Ankara
24. Veysel Eroğlu, Minister of Forestry and Waterworks, Ankara
25. Recep Akdağ, Minister of Health, Ankara
26. Binali Yıldırım, Minister of Transportation, Ankara

LOCATION OF THE CRIME: The vicinity of Roboski village, Uludere.

TIME OF THE CRIME: The night of 28 December 2011

SUBJECT OF THE PETITION:

We demand that a criminal investigation be initiated against the defendant Fethullah Gülen for encouraging and instigating; against Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Cabinet for creating the conditions and condoning military operations and state terror; and against the Chief of Staff and his top commanders as well as those officers who were in the chain of command on the night of the incident. We demand that after an impartial and diligent investigation, upon finding probable cause, the prosecutors file criminal charges against the defendants in accordance with their constitutional responsibilities.

PROBABLE CAUSE:

1. Last October, Fethullah Gulen, one of the defendants, issued what amounted to a fatwa by calling on the Turkish government to pursue a draconian policy towards the Kurds; his statement can be found on his website, herkul.com or youtube.com. There he advised and urged the Turkish government to kill up to 50 000 (Fifty Thousand) Kurds. He invoked God’s name with an emotional appeal by praying “May he rain fire on their homes,” and “May He uproot them root and branch.” He is one of the most influential public figures in Turkey.

2. After this wicked sermon, on December 28, 2011, the villagers of Roboski, as was their custom, as they had done many times in full view of the Turkish security forces, crossed the border into Iraqi Kurdistan to purchase diesel fuel and cigarettes [for commercial purposes].

3. As they were returning home on the same day, the security forces blocked their entrance to the village; they were forced to take another path.

4. After they were deliberately misled by these security forces, subsequently, four F-16fighter jets of the Turkish Air Force bombed them killing 35 civilian Kurds many of whom were under 19 years old.

5. As the event unfolded, as survivors recounted their stories, as press aired their accounts, it became obvious that the vicinity of the massacre is under full control of the Turkish government; it also became clear that the Kurdish guerrillas do not use this part of the border region to cross into Turkey.

6. As is known, and as it has been admitted by the defendant prime minister Erdogan himself, from 1937 to 1938 Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and Ismet Inonu [at the time, the President and Prime Minister of Turkey, respectively] committed the massacre of Dersim; and in 1943, under the orders of Ismet Inonu, Mustafa Muglali, a Turkish commander, summarily executed 33 innocent civilian Kurds; and on March 16, 1988, Saddam Hussein, Barzan Al Tikriti and Chemical Ali bombarded the city of Halapja with chemical weapons; very few of these perpetrators have ever been indicted in a court of law. Therefore, instead of waiting for years to go by, when the evidentiary material is still on the ground, we urge you to undertake a timely inquiry for justice to have its due. If that is done, we believe, notwithstanding the outcome, the fraternal feelings that exist between the Turks and the Kurds will be strengthened.

7. If the necessary investigation is not conducted, we reserve the right to seek justice at international institutions, including United Nations, International Court of Justice, and European Court of Human Rights.

8. Based upon the evidence, we strongly believe that the above named individuals have committed the crime of Roboski massacre. When legal and constitutional investigation is completed, and if you have reached an identical conclusion, it will behoove you to file formal criminal charges at appropriate courts. It is that necessity that has forced us to seek your intervention with this petition.

EVIDENCES:

All legal evidences, including incident reports, autopsy reports, press accounts and witness testimonies will be used as evidence.

CONCLUSION AND DEMAND:

If the requested investigation is not undertaken, we reserve the right to seek justice at international institutions, including United Nations, International Court of Justice, and European Court of Human Rights.

The Kurdish people want to live in peace in Turkey with their dignity, language and cultural rights recognized as equals to those of the Turks. To establish peace in the region the principle of justice needs to be applied honestly. What the Kurds want for themselves they also want for the Turks and they expect the same humane treatment in turn from the Turks.

The Uludere massacre is a byproduct of the diabolically insidious and ecologically dangerous policy of suppressing Kurdish identity and aspirations through state violence and terror. We pray and demand that the necessary legal investigation and interrogation be initiated by the proper courts and public officers against those who encouraged, contributed to, perpetrated and participated in this atrocity. Those who are involved in this heinous crime against innocent civilians must be punished for promoting, facilitating, and committing mass murder.

Respectfully,

Av. Sait Pektaş Dr. Edip Yüksel Kani Xulam

APENDICES:

1. İnsan Haklari Ve Mazlumlar İçin Dayanişma Derneği (Mazlumder)
2. İnsan Haklari Derneği(İhd)
3. Kamu Emekçileri Sendikalari Konfederasyonu(Kesk)
4. Türk Tabipleri Birliği(Ttb)
5. Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği(Çhd)
6. Türkiye İnsan Haklari Vakfi(Tihv)
7. Türkiye Bariş Meclisi(Tbm)
8. Disk Genel İş Sendikasi (Genel İş)’ In Hazırladıkları Türkçe Ve İngilizce Yazılmış Rapor Örnekleri

Report on the Massacre of Roboski – 03 January 2012 Report on the Massacre of the Villagers of Gülyazı (Bujeh) and Ortasu (Roboski) Villages of Uludere (Qileban) District of Şırnak Province
Incident: 35 people–all of the males, 17 of them juveniles- were killed and another one was wounded and two other survived without wounding in the air attack of the Turkish Air Force to the group that had trespassed the border between Turkey and Iraq and returning back to Turkey in the vicinity of Gülyazı (Bujeh) and Ortasu (Roboski) Villages of Uludere (Qileban) District of Şırnak Province on 28 December 2011 at 21:30-22:30.
Aim: The aims of the human rights commission are to interview with the survivors, relatives of the deceased, witnesses if any, and with the authorities on the massacre; to prepare a report in the light of the information gathered with the research and investigation; to contribute to reveal out the material reality by sending the report to the authorised institutions and offices; to enable the public opinion to access the real information; and to demand an effective investigation to ascertain the perpetrators.
The Constitution of the Commission: As soon as the news concerning the incident reached at 9 am on 29 December 2011, the General Centres of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the Organisation of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People (MAZLUMDER) decided to constitute the first commission with consulting their local branches and the commission arrived the scene of the incident in the afternoon of the same day.
Consultations with NGOs and civil society organisations were made for the constitution of another commission and the commission organised by IHD, MAZLUMDER, Confederation of Public Employees Trade Unions (KESK), Turkish Medical Association (TTB), Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT), Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇHD), Peace Assembly of Turkey and General Work Trade Union (DİSK Genel İş) arrived to Diyarbakır Province the same day in the afternoon.
The constitution of the first commission that made the preliminary research and investigation:
First Commission was composed of following persons, MAZLUMDER Vice General Chairperson Selahattin ÇOBAN; MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Branch Chairperson Abdurrahim AY; MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Branch Executive Deniz ÇAVUŞ; MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Branch Executive Nurettin BOZKURT; MAZLUMDER Hakkari Branch Chairperson Cengiz ŞEN; MAZLUMDER Hakkari Branch Executive Nihat GÜR; MAZLUMDER Hakkari Branch Executive Çetin CAN; IHD’s Diyarbakır Branch Executive and IHD Executive Board Member Serdar ÇELEBİ; IHD Executive Board Member Haşim USLU; IHD Siirt Branch Chairperson Vetha AYDIN; IHD Mardin Branch Chairperson Erdal KUZU; IHD Mardin Branch Executive Hüseyin CANGİR; IHD Van Branch Secretary Sami GÖRENDAĞ; IHD Van Branch Member Arşad NARÇİN; IHD Hakkari Branch Secretary Sait ÇAĞLAYAN, IHD Hakkari Branch Accountant Ferzende TAŞ; IHD Hakkari Branch Executive Garip GAZİOĞLU; IHD Yüksekova Representative Bedirhan ALKAN.
Second Commission composed of NGOs and civil society organisations: IHD General Chairperson Öztürk Türkdoğan; MAZLUMDER General Chairperson A. Faruk Ünsal; MAZLUMDER Executive Board Member Nurcan Aktay; KESK General Chairperson Lami Özgen; TTB’s Central Council Members Osman Öztürk, Halis Yerlikaya and Zülfikar Cebe; ÇHD’s General Chairperson Selçuk Kozağaçlı, HRFT’s Executive Board Member Hürriyet Şener; Selma Güngör and İmam Canpolat from the Secretariat of the Peace Assembly of Turkey; DİSK Genel İş Executive Board Member Remzi Çalışkan and writer Temel Demirer.
Eğitim-Sen Diyarbakır Branch Chairperson Kasım Birtek, KESK Diyarbakır Branch Platformu Dönem Sözcüsü BTS Branch Secretary Veysel Özhekti, BES Diyarbakır Branch Chairperson Edip Binbir, SES Diyarbakır Branch Executive Ramazan Kaval, Diyarbakır Medical Chamber Chairperson Şemsettin Koç were accompanied to the Commission from Diyarbakır Province. Executives and members of the local branches of the organisations from Batman, Mardin, Siirt, Şırnak, Hakkari and Van Provinces were joined the commission.
Attempts of the Commission: The First Commission reached Uludere (Qileban) District of Şırnak Province on 29 December 2011 at 5.00 p.m. and examined the corpses one by one at the State Hospital and the place and conditions of the autopsies and took photographs. At 7 p.m. published the preliminary examination report. The First Commission waited for the completion of the autopsies in the morning of 30 December 2011 and following the postmortem procedures moved to Gülyazı (Bujeh) and Ortasu (Roboski) Villages. An investigation was conducted where the incident occurred and interviewed with many villagers and relatives of the deceased, and took their opinions and statements. A large part of the investigation and research by members of the commission was recorded with photographs and camera footages.
MAZLUMDER General Centre made written applications to facilitate the activities of the commission and requested an appointment Sirnak Governorate, Uludere District Governorate, Sirnak Chief Public Prosecution Office and Uludere District Gendarmerie Command Office on 30 December 2011.
The Central Commission (the Second Commission) 04.30 a.m. on 30 December 2011 started out with a bus from Diyarbakir, and reached Uludere around 11.00 a.m. where set off with the funeral convoy and continued until Ortasu and Gülyazı Villages. The commission attended the beginning of the funeral in Gülyazı Village and then went to the scene without delay. The army unit hindered the commission to reach the scene of incident just 200 metres away and forced the commission return back by deploying troops to the scene with helicopters as soon as the commission moved to the scene. The commission interviewed with the witnesses of the incident and performed condolence visits to three families in their houses and applied to their information about the incident.
The delegation went to the scene to the scene saw a military union (border line) by making shipments of military helicopters to turn back 200 meters to the scene, forced the delegation had left, returned to the scene, event and met with the delegation, visited the three-family homes condolence to found incident with the right-dried headman and other villagers After interviewing with the head of Ortasu Village, the two survivors and the villager the commission left the village at 08.00 p.m.
Arrival and the Interviews of the Commission:
The First Commission reached Uludere (Qileban) District of Şırnak Province on 29 December 2011 at around 05.00 p.m. The presence of the several foreign-plated vehicles and foreigners were observed from the entrance of Uludere (Qileban) District of Şırnak Province. The commission learned that the corpses of the 35 people were in Uludere (Qileban) State Hospital, and one of the wounded person was taken to Şırnak State Hospital and another survivors is in shock and unable to speak and the last survivor Hacı ENCÜ could speak. Commission then stated the aims of their visit to the ones at the entrance of the hospital and as human rights defenders conveyed condolences. The commission observed that there wasn’t any preparation to meet the needs of the crowd outside the hospital and some people were eating their own food and people outside the hospital were standing or sitting on the ground. The Commission was unable to find an officer or correspondent in the hospital and informed by the relatives of the deceased that the majority of corpses were in the above floors and autopsy procedures were done in the basement floor. Thereupon the commission went to the place of autopsy. The hall in the basement was divided with a screen and several bed covers were thrown on the screen.
Down the stairs on the right side was central heating system and the place in which the autopsy procedures were conducted was on the left. The smell of diesel fuel inside the hall was very dense. The number of the officers was few and there were only the forensic medicine experts. It is determined that only one lawyer from the Şırnak Bar association was allowed to be present in the autopsy procedure on behalf of the families and two prosecutors have been conducting the procedures and six autopsies were finalised until 6.30 p.m.
Later the commission noted that the women have been mourning in the entrance so that their voices could be heard all over the hospital and later photographed the corpses one by one.
The Commission tried to gather information from the waiting families during the autopsies. Interviews with Hacı Encü (one of the survivors) and relatives of the victims were conducted in the hospital. In the beginning there were not any security officers but later during the pencilling of the preliminary report two minibuses full of riot police officers and an armour police vehicle came to the hospital, police officers left their vehicles and formed a single file and crossed the dooryard of the hospital with their vehicles escorting them.
On 30 December 2011 the commission left the hospital in the morning and went to the village of the deceased and investigated the scene of the incident. The “smugglers’ road” which was used to go to the scene that was approximately 4-5 kilometres away from the village has been covered with ice and although it was recently cleaned by the bulldozers – their marks could be seen- it was still muddy. The mountainous scene of incident was under snow and blood, dead mules and things that were blown were scattered around in the scene of bombing.
First Commission made investigations for approximately one hour in the scene of incident and two hours in the village.
The interviews were kept comprehensive and everything that could be evidence were photographed and taken under record.
The members of the Commission did not see any soldier or a member of the security forces. No public officer including the gendarmerie was seen in the mourning place of the villagers, inside and around the village.
The observations of the second commission are as follows: Neither public officer nor the member of the security forces was seen in mass burial place and inside Gülyazı Village. A very large crowd was gathered in the burial place from the villagers of Ortasu and Gülyazı Villages and from the people living in the vicinity. Diyarbakır Metropolitan Mayor Chairperson Osman Baydemir and other province and district mayors, BDP Group Chairperson Selahattin Demirtaş, BDP Group Deputy Chairperson Şırnak Deputy Hasip Kaplan and other deputies of the BDP, independent deputy Ahmet Türk and CHP İstanbul Deputy Sezgin Tanrıkulu were seen and were condoled.
The army unit and the army helicopters in the unit were seen on the slope of the hill in vicinity of Gülyazı Village.
Although Gülyazı Village has a dense population was kept under the village status. The distance between the scene of the incident and the nearest army unit (border brigate) was 6,7 kilometres on the map.
The Second Commission was harassed by deploying a fully-equipped army unit on the borderline and on the road to Ortasu Village by helicopters and by circling helicopters on the commission. The commission forced to stop by soldiers 200 metres before the scene of incident and told that they could not go to the scene on the grounds that it was banned. The Commission insisted to go to the place of the incident and had to return back after the army officer told them that they would be force to return back with the order from the army radio. But the commission could observe the borderline and the bombing area with bare eyes.
Interviews with the above mentioned persons by our Commissions are as follows: 1- Haci Encü (19) who had survived from the incident and whom we interviewed with in the hospital on 29 December 2011 (abridged):
On 28 December 2011 at 4.00 p.m. we crossed the border to Iraq with a group of 40-50 people and with same number of mules to bring diesel oil and food to bring together. We intentionally did not inform the gendarmerie headquarters but they already knew that we come and go. Our goal was to bring sugar and diesel. In fact, even on the way we heard the sound of unmanned aerial vehicle, but we continued our way because we always come and go. At night at 7.00 p.m. we started to return back after loading the mules. At 9.00 p.m. we approached the border. We reached the plateau of our village; our plateau is just on the border. First there was lighting flares and subsequently salvos of artillery-howitzer. We left the load on the other side of the border. Immediately after the salvos aircrafts came and started bombing. We were two groups; there was a distance of 300-400 meters between the front of group and the one behind it. Immediately after the artillery salvos the aircrafts came. There is not any other way to pass to the other side of the border because the soldiers held our plateau. So the groups are squeezed and had to come together, at the end we became two large groups. With the first air bombardment the group of about 20 people which was on the zero-point of the border was destroyed.
Immediately we started to flee back; bombs began to rain on ones between the rocks. The group that I have been part of was consisting of 6 persons and 3 from the group survived. We have plain clothes on us, no one had guns. The event lasted for approximately 1 hour or something. We two people with 3 mules entered the water in the creek. After waiting an hour we took refuge under a rock and we could not hear anything from our friends. Between 11.00 and 11.30 p.m. we understood that villagers were coming from the lights and sounds. The soldiers began to leave the plateau that they held as the peasants began to wail. We have been doing this business for a very long time. Two of us were married; others were high-school or primary school students. No one has yet called me to give testimony. After the event, I did not see any soldier. The other survivors are Davut Encü (22 year-old) and Servet Encü (wounded, Şırnak State Hospital).”
2- Servet ENCÜ who had survived from the incident and whom we interviewed with after the funeral on 30 December 2011 (abridged):
“Our fathers, grandfathers also did this job (cross-border trade). We also did. There is no factory here. We are earning our lives with this business. Everyone in this village, in this border, is doing the job.
On the night of the incident 7- 8 people from each of the 2 or 3 villages, up to a total of nearly 40 people with our mules and crossed the border approximately two kilometres. There we bought diesel oil, sugar and food from Iraqis. We did not go to Haftanin and Sinat. The way back, the soldiers stopped us. Every time they did. However they gave permission to pass. This time did not allow. They made us to wait at the border. At last they poured bombs on us. 37 people, including students whose ages ranging between 10 and 20, were shot for doing this job for 50, 60 or 100-TL.
Selam ENCÜ, one of the dead, was a student of engineering. Şivan was 15, Orhan was 10, Mehmet was 11 year-old. There was no anyone from PKK (member of the organization). The PKK does not deal with bringing diesel oil with 40-50 mules. The soldiers who stopped us at the border never spoke with us. After the incident no military officials came to help. After the bombing several wounded people froze to death on the grounds that no one had not shown up to help. We the three people from the 38 have survived. They did not see me because I was hiding buried in snow.
Previously soldiers had been stopping us however after a while they gave permission to us to pass. This time they did not let us go by closing all sides. The soldiers went away with their cars as soon as the bombing began.
If I were not survived the corpses would wait there for 1-2 days. We were in three separate groups that one of them in the border and others away from it. We thought to leave with leaving our load when they did not allow us to pass. After the bombing I walked approximately 100 metres and asked for help by telephone. After 2-3 hours, they came to help. Soldiers or an authorized person did not come, just our people came. We had left the village at 5 p.m. and at 9.30 p.m. we reached the border. At 9.40 p.m. was the bombing. The students among us were doing this work for their pocket money.
Our village is five kilometres inside from the border. The first group informed us after reaching border that the soldiers took measures. We thought to leave our load and pass the border as such because of the cold weather. At that moment four aircrafts came and bombed for 1,5 hours. We informed the headquarters by phone and they did not come. At 3 a.m. we carried the wounded and the dead to the half way to the village. Half of the wounded died on the road. Two or three of them could survive with timely medical intervention. The soldiers on the border knew that we were villagers and we have been doing this business. Before the incident time to time they waited on the border. They closed the road and left the others open. Our friends informed that the border was held by the soldiers.
I flew into the air due to explosions and then fell and I was buried in the snow. We will do this job as long as we are allowed to do. A clash was not occurred in his route so far. Until today when the soldiers caught us they shot our mules, burn the saddles and the goods we brought. This time, they shot us.
The first group informed us when they could not cross the border. We stayed where we were. As we were waiting on the grounds that the soldiers would allow us to pass or we could find another way to pass we as two separate groups were bombed. We were bombed separately.
I saw that some of the wounded died due to loss of blood and neither the security forces nor the ambulance arrive”.
3-From another village not a witness but one of the first people that arrived the scene (who does not want to give his name):
Two days before the incident a clash took place in the road junction of Uludere. Soldiers told to our friend who buys the goods we bring during the border trade and sells the shops that “Tonight is the last one. You will not be able to do this job again”.
4-The father of Ferhat ENCÜ whose right to life was violated: In last one month the soldiers did not give trouble as we did our job.
5- Another villager (who does not want to give his name) Health personnel tried to reach the scene of the incident with ambulances from Şırnak Province at 3 a.m. Soldiers hindered them saying you cannot go there with ambulances. After the reaction of the villagers whom the health personnel met they went to the headquarters and said that they would like to go to the scene. But in the headquarters they told the health personnel that only the paths could be used and the road was not safe. A friend of mine who is a health personnel working in Şırnak Province told me these.
6-Another villager (who does not want to give his name) I was also once a smuggler. There is an unwritten contract between us and the soldiers. The State could save the wounded with the helicopters in Şırnak Province as the minsters who carried the wounded from Libya with private ambulance airplanes and as the ones who had wounded in Mavi Marmara attack from Israel. Some of the wounded frozen to dead.
7- Şükrü UYSAL, the brother of Özcan UYSAL whose right to life was violated: “I have been living in Ortasu village. I was in the village when the incident took place. A lot of people from our village provide their living with the border trade. Border trade has been going on for many years. Border trade has been conducted with the information of the gendarmerie headquarters in our village for a long time. My brother’s group moved from the village to the Iraqi border on 28 December 2011 at 2 p.m. As they were returning approximately at 9 in the evening they divided into two groups after seeing the soldiers who had closed the road. The pioneering group waited in the border and watched the soldiers while the other one informed the others about the soldiers. As they were doing this they were attacked. The rear group took refuge in a rocky area. The first group was killed in a flat place, and there is still snow everywhere. Lightning flares fired by the soldiers illuminated everywhere as the daylight. Thanks to this lighting soldiers could see clearly everyone. The route was a continuously used route and there was a road on the route. There were mines on the road. 35 villagers have been killed and 3 people were wounded in the incident. ”
8- The head of Ortasu Village we talked in the mourning house: We have been doing border trade in this route, I mean this job, since the English had drawn this border. Soldiers and the state officials know that we have been doing smuggling. I think that this incident is a movement like Ergenekon or Balyoz because it took place just after Bülent Arınç told that they will give the rights of Kurds. Moreover the villages in the surrounding voted for the [pro-Kurdish] Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). I have been thinking why this incident took place. The region is not the route of PKK because the Iraq side is flat; it is impossible to make a surprise attack from that side to the Turkish border. Everyone approaching from that side would be noticed by the Turkish soldiers. There was not a clash in this route until now. Generally during the operation the head of the village and the temporary village guards were warmed before in order to prevent the smugglers not to go to the region or not to return back. Our place, Gülyazı Village could not be a municipality although it has a high population. We want the border gate to be open here. We made official applications. But…”
9- Another villager who talked in the mourning house in Ortasu Village: “Herons detect everything. Our children were not carrying guns. Herons should have detected this. Instead why did they bomb our children…”
10- Hacı Encü who talked in the mourning house in Ortasu Village: “We reached the border at 7 p.m. We loaded petrol and sugar from a place 2,5 or 3 kilometres inside the border and returned back. Servet Encü from the pioneers came to us just 200-300 metres before the border and told us that the soldiers had closed the border. Later they lighted the border. We heard the salvos of the artillery. Then the fighters bombed. Half an hour later they bombed our place. The first group was completely burned down. Our place did not get blacked”
11- Another villager who talked in the mourning house in Ortasu Village: “No one came to help after the incident although we informed. They did not reply our calls. We brought our dead. Our children could be saved if they interfered on time”.
Official interviews made in Uludere and Şırnak Province:
1- Şırnak Chief Public Prosecution Office: On 30 December 2011 a fax message had been sent from MAZLUMDER General Centre and called on 02 January 2012. As a reply the office told the commission that their programme was full for two days and they could not meet with the commission.
2- Uludere District Governorate Naif Yavuz: On 30 December 2011 a fax message had been sent from MAZLUMDER General Centre and called on 02 January 2012. As a reply the governorate gave a negative reply on the grounds that the governor was attacked and has been resting in the hotel.
3-Uludere District Gendarmerie Headquarters: On 30 December 2011 a fax message had been sent from MAZLUMDER General Centre and called on 02 January 2012. As a reply they told the commission that they won’t meet with the commission.
4-Şırnak Governorate: The members of the commission also made written application to Şırnak Governorate as in the relations with other official institutions, with a fax message sent from the General Centre of the MAZLUMDER on 30 December 2011. Also an authorised correspondent could not be found in the Governorate when called from the MAZLUMDER’s General Centre.
Claims on the case: There are many claims on the case. Statements by the official authorities are one of the most significant examples. For example; the Turkish General Staff’s first official statement No: BA-33/11 on 29.12.2011 at 11: 45 as follows:
“1. The Turkish Armed Forces conducts cross-border operations within the framework of the authority given by the Turkish Grand National Assembly or TBMM on 17 October 2007. The authority in question has been renewed once in a year.
2. The Turkish Armed Forces was informed that leaders of the terrorist organization had ordered groups to retaliate for their loss in recent period and many terrorists had been sent to Sinat-Haftanin area located in cross-border as reinforcing units.
3. In the light of this information obtained through intelligence from several sources and technical analysis; it was understood that terrorist groups including some leaders came together and were in preparation for attacks against patrols, bases located in the border line. Then, relevant units were informed about that development.
4. In the light of testimonies by surrendered terrorist members; it is known that the subversive terrorist organization brought artillery and arsenal from Iraq to our territory with draught animals in previous attacks.
5. There was an increase in intelligence regarding potential attacks against our patrols and bases located in near to the border of the Northern Iraq as a result there was an increase also in reconnaissance and surveillance in the border line. In this regard, it was determined [by means of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles] that there was a terrorist group moving to the border from Iraq territory at 18.39 on 28 December 2011.
6. As the area was a route often used by terrorists and it was night time, there was a discussion that an air force operation should be launched. The operation was launched from 21.37 to 22.24 on that day.
7. The incident scene is Sinat-Haftanin (Northern Iraq) area where subversive terrorist organization’s main bases are located and no civilian settlement.
8. Administrative and judicial investigation and procedures are going on. With our best regards.”
Mr. Hüseyin Çelik’s, the Vice-President of the Justice and Development Party or AKP, first statement as follows:
“A sorrowful incident left its mark on our EC meeting today. The incident in Şırnak [where the incident happened] was extremely sorrowful. There was an attack by air forces in the Sinat-Haftanin area. As a result, 35 citizens lost their lives. May God their souls and I offer my condolences to the families. The operation was started by thinking that they were terrorists. However, local authorities and official authorities, who went there, determined that they were mostly cigarette smuggler without revealing their identities. The details of those people would be obtained through investigation.
I offer my condolences to the families. If there was a fault, it would be determined. According to preliminary information, they were smugglers not terrorists. It is sure that they do not deserve such an end even they are smugglers. There is no deliberate action. Those, who make similarity 33 Bullets incident, are serious mistaken. If the preliminary information were accurate, it was an operation accident. If there was a fault, it would never be covered.
I carefully read the statement by the Turkish General Staff. Please do remember that arsenals were carried by hinnies. There were criticisms against officials that why measurements had not been taken. There is no contradiction between my speech and the Turkish General Staff’s statement. The air force operation was launched by thinking that they were terrorists.
Lack of intelligence, an operation accident…
If there was no terror in Turkey, the sorrowful incident would have not happened today. We told that we were eagle against terrorists and dove regarding citizens. There cannot be such an action against smugglers. We wish that there would not be a similar incident in the future. There cannot be a deliberate action; it can be operation accident resulted from lack of intelligence.
Relatives of the 35 citizens suffered from that incident. There is no need further an intentional. It won’t serve to anyone. There might be protests in streets or it is normal that BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) declares mourning yet encouraging people to organize protests, it won’t serve to anyone.
Tradesmen were sick and tired of closing up shops in the South and Southeast. People are already in a difficult condition.
Questions-Answers – An administrative investigation was already launched. We will do what needed to be done. No one can put himself/herself into a judge’s shoes.
- There is no contradiction between my speech and the Turkish General Staff’s statement. The Turkish General Staff made a statement based on thinking those people as terrorists. Please do remember the Hantepe attack; the arsenals were carried by hinnies. There were criticisms against officials that why measurements had not been taken. The statement says that the operation was launched in an area which used often by terrorists. However, identities of these people were determined after the statement.
- Detailed identity information and why they were there will be learned through an extensive investigation. This unfortunate accident does not mean that we will not fight against terrorism. We will continue to fight until that problem ends.
- The Turkish Armed Forces must be an eagle against terrorists and a dove for citizens. Legal sanctions on smugglers are written in our legislation.
- A soldier, who gives his coat to a terrorist when he is caught alive in a cave, does not want to kill smugglers. According to our preliminary information, there cannot be a deliberate action. Investigation will determine whether there is a weakness or fault.
- The Prime Minister has obtained information from all relevant authorities such as the Turkish General Staff and the Minister of Interior Affairs.”
First statements by the media as a result, the claims are:
• They were PKK members
• Wrong intelligence
• They were PKK couriers
• They were smugglers

POINTS BY THE MISSION:
Regarding the Incident Scene
1. A group from the delegation departed from the Ortasu villave at 07.00 in the morning to go the incident scene on 31.12.2011. They set off with their own cars and after a while they continued with a tractor. The incident scene is about 4-5 kilometres from the Ortasu Village. The group arrived in the incident scene, where is called as “Yıldıztepe” or “Yıldız Yaylası” by villagers, at about 10.30. There were also a group of journalist and villagers, who accompanied the group, in the incident scene. The mission has determined that:
2. The incident scene is about 4-5 kilometres away from the Ortasu Village, Vehicles can be used until a certain location, about 1,5 kilometres is pathway,
3. There are cultivated area and coal mines on the way to the incident scene,
4. There is an evicted building, which is very old and as the villagers accompanied the mission told it was a patrol in the past, on the way,
5. There is a skull of a hinny in the area that is about 300 meters away from the bombing location,
6. The incident happened in the 0 point of the border of Iraq-Turkey, there is a boundary stone which fragmented and some remnants are in Turkey while some in Iraq,
7. There is a crater, which is 50 meters away from the boundary stone and in the Southwest direction within Iraq territory, with 5 meters size and half meter depth. It is possible that it occurred after the air force bombing,
8. There is another crater, which is similar to the former one, located in the south direction of the boundary stone and about 500 meters towards the valley,
9. There are remnants of bombs next to the boundary stone. There is no strike on the boundary stone and fuel drums are spread yet not fragmented. People, animal and flora, which is considered as living organism, were damaged and limited with size of the bombing yet stone, drum etc… were not damaged,
10. 1There are tarnishing, snowmelt and woods were burnt in north and south sides in a 5 decares area around the crater,
11. There is a bag, which people put olive and bread, next to the boundary stone. There is no damage to the bag,
12. There are still soft tissues, which not fragmented, and pieces of bones in the incident scene. Although it is understood that some of them belong to hinnies, some of them are not clear whether belong to animals or people,
13. Top of the hill is flat not rough or hilly,
14. There are observation towers, which located in dominant parts of the northern part of the incident scene and see the scene clearly,
15. There are clothes belong to those who lost their lives as well as an active mobile phone,
16. There are GSM networks and mobile phone can be used actively,
17. Public prosecutor or another security forces have not arrived in the incident scene, evidences were not collected and no barrier tape by the time the group was there.
Regarding the Incident:
35 individuals’ right to life were violated in the attack. The following is the list of people whose right to life were violated (the list was prepared based on interviews and autopsy reports):
Name: Date of Birth and Place
1. Özcan UYSAL 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere.
2. Seyithan ENÇ 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere.
3. Cemal ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere.
4. Vedat ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere.
5. Selim ENCU 1973 Şırnak/Uludere.
6. Selahattin ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere.
7. Nadir ALMA 1986 Şırnak/Uludere.
8. Celal ENCU 1986 Şırnak/Uludere.
9. Bilal ENCU
10. Şirvan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere.
11. Nevzat ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere.
12. Salih ENCU 1993 Şırnak/Uludere.
13. Osman KAPLAN 1980.
14. Mahsun ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere.
15. Muhammet ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere.
16. Hüsnü ENCU 1981 Şırnak/Uludere.
17. Savaş ENCU 1997 Şırnak/Uludere.
18. Erkan ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere.
19. Cihan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere.
20. Fadıl ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere.
21. Şerafettin ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere.
22. Hamza ENCU 1990 Şırnak/Uludere.
23. Aslan ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere.
24. M.Ali TOSUN 1987 Şırnak/Uludere.
25. Identity details are same with number 21.
26. Orhan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere.
27. Salih ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere.
28. Yüksel ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere.
29. Adem ANT 1992 Şırnak/Uludere.
30. Hüseyin ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere.
31. Bedran ENCU 1996 Şırnak/Uludere.
32. Serhat ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere.
33. Şivan ENCU
34. Abdulselam ENCU Şırnak/Uludere.
35. An arm and a leg: no information about the identity.

All of them are civilians and according to the autopsy reports: 17 of them are children, 14 of them are mature and 4 of them do not have any indication about their age,

• Age of those, who are considered as mature, vary from 19 to 25,
• There was no warning to STOP and people were not warned by security forces. There was no counter fire by those who lost their lives or individual fire by soldiers. It is only the aircrafts that bombed and killed civilians,
• The civilians were known by security forces that have also information about movement of those people as a part of border trade,
• According to witnesses and villagers the route is continuously used by people. Everyone including security forces knows the route. Most of the way is not pathway and there are coal mines on the way,
• Contrary to the official statements, the incident scene is far away from the area named Sinat-Haftanin and civilians were attacked on Iraq-Turkey border,
• There was no attempt by the official institutions to take dead or injured people, therefore; villagers arrived late in the incident scene with their own means. As a result, some injured lost their lives for blood lose and freeze. Soldiers left the incident scene when villagers went there to take the corpses. The corpses were brought to the Gülyazı village by the villagers with their own means,
• The hospital lacks of equipment and staff for autopsy. Even, as far as we observed there is almost no staff in the hospital. The corpses were negligently put into rooms. The corpses were covered with blankets by their relatives. The corpses were taken to autopsy and funeral vehicle by the families,
• Due to the lack of technical capacity, it is not possible to collect evidence as it should be done. Therefore, there is a high probability of spoliation of evidences,
• Some of the corpses seen by the mission were burnt and some internal organs at outside of the body, most of the skulls were shattered, unity of the body was deformed as a result of the scatter,
• High explosive bombs and artillery, which have burning capacity, were used in the attack,
• No suspicious were arrested or detained,
• The incident happened in the zero point of the Turkey-Iraq border,
• People, who lost their lives, were dealing with border trade (fuel, cigarette and food) that has been conducted for long years. The patrol knows that people deal with such a border trade and made it easy and allowed much more than past during the last month.
Points Need to be Clarified:
1. Why didn’t any officers or officials go to the incident scene considering that the patrol and observation towers are close to the incident scene and they were informed and it is certain that villagers and village guards informed the soldiers about it?
2. Why were ambulances or health officers from Şırnak and other places not allowed to go to the incident scene?
3. Some seriously injured people lost their lives as there was no medical intervention and were freeze to death. What are the reasons for not going to the incident scene and detailed information about these deaths?
4. Considering that villagers have been dealing with border trade for long years; is there any similar attack against people in the past? Furthermore, does the patrol have any deliberate or negligence in this incident? There should be a special investigation about these issues.
5. In the past, village guards and mukhtar (head of a village) were warned “to go smuggling” when there would be operation. However, soldiers did not inform the villagers though they saw smugglers in daytime. Why did they not inform these villagers?
6. There were rumours that “it would be the last smuggling” and similar information given to the smuggler wholesaler and distributors. What were the aims of information? Did officials know that there would be an attack or not?
7. Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (Heron) can take image that gives an idea about shape and content of loading and whether there is any weapon or not. Did unmanned aerial vehicles give data regarding the group’s loading and whether they have weapon or not? Furthermore, did the unmanned aerial vehicles report or not that they were civilians?
8. Quantity, target and aim of the arsenal and explosives used in the attack? How long did the operation take? There is a claim that aircraft flares and cannon shootings were used. The claim needs to be proved. Content of the bombing needs to be determined.
9. All walky-talky conversations during and after the attack including between aircrafts and command centre as well as phone conversations between village guards, mukhtar and the patrol or third parties needs to be investigated in terms of location and distances.
10. It is told that villagers, who attempted to go to the incident scene after the incident, came across soldiers on the way and soldiers left there as soon as the villagers left. It needs to be investigated.
11. According the statement by the Turkish General Staff, the unmanned aerial vehicles took the first image at 18.39 and the bombardment was started at 21.37. Did officials confirm the intelligence or obtain additional information from local units during that 3 hours period_ If not, why they did not need to do so?
12. The official authorities made the statement according to which “they were attacked by thinking that they were members of the [terrorist] organization”. Even the concerned group was the one composed of “members of the organization”, can their extrajudicial execution through high explosive bombs from fighter aircrafts be legal and justified?
13. Do bomb contain any chemical substance? It is a key question since some of the corpses were burned and charred.
14. Have any air force or land force operation been launched in the location of the incident scene until now? If yes, the dates and results of them need to be publicized?
15. What was the aim of the helicopter, which was active while the villagers were taking the corpses with their own means? Why didn’t it land to help people there?
16. Did local military and civilian officials call each family and suggest entombing the corpses separately?
17. Why didn’t local officials and the Government representatives make any statement to the public on the first though they knew the incident?
Opinions and Recommendations:
1. It is an extrajudicial killing. Regarding the number of people, it is a “massacre”
2. It is a continuation of extrajudicial and massacre that have been conducting under the name of “fight against terrorism” and not brought to account,
3. National and international civil society organizations and democratic institutions should show awareness to organize fact-finding missions there,
4. Turkish Grand National Assembly and the Human Rights Inquiry Committee of the Turkish Grand National Assembly must put the massacre, which has caused public resentment and have points to be clarified, into its agenda and investigate it immediately,
5. United Nations and the Council of Europe should investigate the incident,
6. All relevant institutions should do what they should do in order to take people, who are perpetrators and responsible for the massacre, before the court. In order to have an effective investigation all military and civilian officials (including those who commanded to bomb), who have responsibility for the incident, should be laid from their jobs until the investigation ends. Public prosecution office and administrative units must conduct an effective investigation against those who are responsible. The public prosecution must bring justice and clear public’s conscience,
7. The State must accept that it is a massacre and apologize for it. The Government must take its political responsibility, the Minister of Interior Affairs must resign from his position, the Chief of General Staff and responsible chief/s of force must be laid from their positions,
8. The State must pay satisfactory pecuniary and non-pecuniary damages to the families alleviate their suffering. It should be done as a part of the State’s responsibility not as a gift or gratefulness,
9. Media and other mass communication networks must leave its biased approach and creating “guilty people” that lead to “extrajudicial killing” yet based on ethical principles,
10. People work in this field called as “smuggling” as there is no chance of income (such as industry, livestock or agriculture) other than border-trade and no border gate and restrictive legislation. It should be taken into consideration and necessary legislative steps need to be taken immediately. Administrative status of the area, whose population is high, should be promoted to town,
11. Violence based policies regarding the Kurdish Question provide a suitable atmosphere for such dark actions. Therefore, it is vital that the Government must change its existing policies and democracy and peace should be developed.

The Association of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People (MAZLUMDER)
Human Rights Association (IHD)
Confederation of Public Employees Trade Unions (KESK)
Turkish Medical Association (TTB)
The Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇHD)
Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT)
Peace Assembly Of Turkey (TBM)
DISK Genel-Iş Trade Union (Genel Iş)

ANNEX
1. A photo that shows transfer of the corpses by the villagers
2. A photo that shows the road and pathway to the incident scene
3. A photo that shows situation of the corpses at the hospital
4. A photo that shows conditions of the autopsy
5. The Autopsy reports (71 pages)
6. Photos that show remnants in the incident scene and the boundary stone

DAVACI:
Sait Pektaş, Edip Yüksel, Kani Xulam

SUÇLANAN:
Türkiye Cümhuriyeti Hükumeti ve Silahlı Kuvvetlerin Komutanları

1. Yargıtay Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığına, Bakanlıklar, Ankara
2. Ankara Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığına, Sıhhiye, Ankara
3. Uludere Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığına, Uludere, Şırnak

SUÇ DUYURUSUNU YAPANLAR:

4. Av. Sait Pektaş
6756 Rix St. Se
Ada, Michigan, USA

5. Edip Yüksel, J.D.
Adjunct Philosophy Professor
Pima College, Downtown Campus
1245 N. Stone Dr.
Tucson, Arizona, USA

6. Kani Xulam
American Kurdish Information Network
2722 Connecticut Avenue NW # 42
Washington, DC 20008, USA

SUÇLAR VE SANIKLAR:

Kasten, taammüden kitle halinde cinayet işlemek ve yaralamak suçundan:

1. Nejdet Özel, Genelkurmay Başkanı, Ankara
2. Kara Kuvvetleri Komutanları, Ankara
3. Deniz Kuvetleri Komutanı, Ankara
4. Hava Kuvvetleri Komutanı, Ankara
5. Jandarma Genel Komutanı, Ankara
6. Yedinci Kolordu Komutanı, Diyarbakır
7. Şırnak Alay Komutanı, Şırnak
8. Uludere Merkez Komutanı, Uludere
9. Dört F-16 Savaş Uçağının Pilotları, adları ve adresleri Genel Kurmay Başkanlığınca biliniyor.

Kitle halinde cinayet işlemeye teşvik etmek suçundan:

1. Fethullah Gülen, Tarikat Lideri, 1857 Mt. Eaton Road, Saylorsburg, PA, USA

Görevini kötüye kullanarak kitle halinde cinayet ve yaralama suçlarının işlenme ortamını oluşturmak ve bu konuda ihmalkâr davranmak suçundan:

1. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Başbakan
2. Bülent Arınç, Başbakan Yardımcısı ve Hükümet Sözcüsü
3. Ali Babacan, Başbakan Yardımcısı
4. Beşir Atalay, Başbakan Yardımcısı
5. Bekir Bozdağ, Başbakan Yardımcısı
6. Sadullah Ergin, Adalet Bakanı
7. Fatma Şahin, Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanı
8. Egemen Bağış, Avrupa Birliği Bakanı
9. Nihat Ergün, Bilim, Sanayi ve Teknoloji Bakanı
10. Faruk Çelik, Çalışma ve Sosyal Güvenlik Bakanı
11. Erdoğan Bayraktar, Çevre ve Şehircilik Bakanı
12. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Dışişleri Bakanı
13. Mehmet Zafer Çağlayan, Ekonomi Bakanı
14. Taner Yıldız, Enerji ve Tabii Kaynaklar Bakanı
15. Suat Kılıç, Gençlik ve Spor Bakanı
16. Mehmet Mehdi Eker, Gıda, Tarım ve Hayvancılık Bakanı
17. Hayati Yazıcı, Gümrük ve Ticaret Bakanı
18. İdris Naim Şahin, İçişleri Bakanı
19. Cevdet Yılmaz, Kalkınma Bakanı
20. Ertuğrul Günay, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanı
21. Mehmet Şimşek, Maliye Bakanı
22. Ömer Dinçer, Milli Eğitim Bakanı
23. İsmet Yılmaz, Milli Savunma Bakanı
24. Veysel Eroğlu, Orman ve Su İşleri Bakanı
25. Recep Akdağ, Sağlık Bakanı
26. Binali Yıldırım, Ulaştırma, Denizcilik ve Haberleşme Bakanı

SUÇ YERİ: Uludere’nin Roboski Köyü civarı

SUÇ TARİHİ: 28 Aralık 2011 gecesi

TALEP KONUSU: Sanıklardan Fethullah Gülenin azmettirici, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ve Kabinesinin de Kürtlerin yoğun olduğu bölgede askeri operasyonları ve devlet terörünü onaylamaları ve hatta teşvik ederek suçun işlenmesi ortamını hazırlayıcı ve genel Kurmay Başkanı ile kuvvet komutanlarının ve komuta kademesindeki diğer sanıkların da asli fail olarak Haklarında gerekli yasal soruşturma yapılarak suçun sabit görülmesine kanaat getirilmesi halinde sanıkların Anayasal statülerine göre haklarında yetkili ve görevli mahkemelerde (Yüce Divan ve Ankara Özel Yetkili Ağır Ceza Mahkemesinde) kamu davası açılarak cezalandırılmalarının temini için gerekli yasal işlemin yapılması talebidir.

OLAYLAR:

1. Sanıklardan Fethullah Gülen, www.herkul.com ile www.youtube.com sitelerinde yayımlanan çeşitli görüntülerden anlaşılacağı üzere, Kürtlerin katledilmesi konusunda fetva vererek hükûmeti azmettirmiştir. Türkiye’de büyük siyasi, ekonomik ve dini etkinliği olan bu din adamı Ekim 2011 tarihinde verdiği fetvada 50.000 (Elli Bin) kişinin katledilmesinin bile mubah olduğunu bildirerek özellikle “evlerini ateş sarsın” “kökleri kurusun” ifadelerini kullanarak açıkça toplu katliam yapılması mesajını göndermiştir.

2. Bu talihsiz fetvadan sonra, olay tarihi olan 28 Aralık 2011 günü, mutat olduğu üzere, Roboski köyünden olan köylüler, devletin sınırdaki karakol yetkililerinin ve güvenlik güçlerinin haberdar olmaları ve zımnen izin vermeleri üzerine, kaçak bir şekilde federe Kürt devletine geçerek mazot ve sigara alıp geri dönmüşlerdir.

3. Dönüş sırasında güzergâhta bulunan karakoldaki güvenlik görevlileri, köylülere mutat olan dönüş yolundan başka bir yol göstermiş ve o yöne gitmelerini sağlamışlardır.

4. Kasıtlı olarak gösterilen yoldan geçmeye zorlanan köylüler, olay mahalline ulaştıklarında aniden Türk Silahlı kuvvetlerine ait iki tane f-16 savaş uçağının bombalı saldırısına uğramış ve sonuçta çoğu 19 yaşından küçük, hayatının baharında genç olmak üzere 35 sivil Kürt vatandaşımız topluca katledilmiştir.

5. Olayın gelişiminden, hayatın olağan akışından ve basın yayın organlarında yer alan haber ve yorumlardan anlaşılacağı üzere, olay mahalli tamamen devletin kontrol ve denetimi altında bulunan bir alandır. Öte yandan PKK gerillalarının olay bölgesini hareket alanı olarak kullanmadıkları da yine basın yayında yer alan ilgililerin haber, bilgi ve yorumlarından anlaşılmaktadır.

6. Bilindiği üzere 1937den 1938 e kadar devam eden ve bizzat sanık başbakan tarafından da itiraf edilen ve Mustafa Kemal ile ismet İnönü’nün emirleri ile gerçekleştirilen dersim katliamı; 1943 yılında gene ismet İnönü’nün emri ile Mustafa Muğlalı’nın fiilen uygulaması suretiyle 33 suçsuz sivil Kürt köylüsünün katledilmesi ve 16 mart 1988de Saddam Hüseyin’in, Barzan Eltikriti ve Kimyasal Ali ile birlikte Halepçe’ye uyguladığı zehirli katliam gibi; Kürtlerin yakın tarihinde vuku bulan çeşitli katliamların çok az sayıdaki sanıkları yıllar sonra adalet önüne çıkabilmişlerdi. Roboski köyü katliamının sanıklarının ise yıllar sonra adalet önüne çıkarılmaları yerine, deliller tüm canlılığı ile ortada iken faillerinin sıcağı sıcağına adalet önüne çıkarılmalarını sağlamak hukukun genel ilkelerine ve evrensel hukukun gereklerine daha uygun olacaktır. Bu suretle kamu vicdanındaki adalet arzusu da behemehâl tatmin edilmiş ve Türk-Kürt kardeşliği de pekiştirilmiş olacaktır.

7. Sanıklar hakkında gerekli işlemlerin yapılmaması durumunda Birleşmiş Milletler ve Uluslararası Mahkemeler ile Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi ve uluslararası diğer merciler nezdinde iddia ve dava haklarımızı saklı tutuyoruz.

8. Bu suretle yukarıda adı ve unvanları yazılı bulunan sanıkların, üzerlerine atılı Roboski Katliamını işledikleri kanaati içerisindeyiz. Yapılacak yasal ve anayasal soruşturma sonucunda, yüksek makamınız da bu kanıya vardığı takdirde kamu adına sanıklar haklarında iddianame hazırlanarak yetkili ve görevli mahkemelerde (kimi sanıklar hakkında genel yetkili adliye mahkemelerinde kimileri hakkında da yüce divanda) kamu davası açılması yolunda yüksek makamınıza işbu dilekçe ile başvurmak gereği doğmuş bulunmaktadır.

KANITLAR:

Olay yeri tespit tutanakları, otopsi raporları, basın yayında olayla ilgili çıkan haberler, yorumlar, tanıklar ve ilgili tüm yasal kanıtlar.

SONUÇ VE İSTEM:

Sanıklar hakkında gerekli işlemlerin yapılmaması durumunda, Birleşmiş Milletler ve Uluslararası Mahkemeler ile Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi ve uluslararası diğer merciler nezdinde iddia ve dava haklarımız saklı kalmak koşuluyla:

Kürtler Türkiye’de onurlarıyla, dil ve kültürleriyle Türkler ile eşit olarak barış içinde yaşamak istiyorlar. Türkiye’de Barışın gerçekleşmesinin tek koşulu ADALET yani EŞİTLİK prensibini dürüstçe uygulamaktır. Aksi takdirde ortadoğuda esen BAHAR rüzgârı er veya geç Türkiye’ye de ulaşacaktır. Kürtler kendileri için istediklerini Türkler için istemektedirler ve benzeri insani tavrı Türklerden de beklemektedirler.

Kürtleri şiddet ve terör yoluyla sindirme politikasının oluşturduğu şeytani ekolojinin ürünlerinden biri olan Uludere’deki katliama dolaylı veya doğrudan katılmalarından dolayı yukarıda adları ve unvanları yazılı bulunan sanıklar hakkında gerekli yasal ve anayasal kovuşturma ve soruşturma yapılarak, elde edilecek kanaate göre haklarında iddianame hazırlanarak, yasal olarak taktir edilecek yetkili ve görevli mahkemelerde kamu davası açılmasına ve sanıkların kasten, taammüden toplu öldürme suçuna azmettirmeleri, ortam hazırlamaları, ya da icra etmeleri nedenleri ile cezalandırılmasına karar verilmesinin teminini saygı ile arz ve talep ederiz.

Saygılarımızla,

Av. Sait Pektaş Dr. Edip Yüksel Kani Xulam

EKLER:

9. İnsan Haklari Ve Mazlumlar İçin Dayanişma Derneği (Mazlumder)
10. İnsan Haklari Derneği(İhd)
11. Kamu Emekçileri Sendikalari Konfederasyonu(Kesk)
12. Türk Tabipleri Birliği(Ttb)
13. Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği(Çhd)
14. Türkiye İnsan Haklari Vakfi(Tihv)
15. Türkiye Bariş Meclisi(Tbm)
16. Disk Genel İş Sendikasi (Genel İş)’ In Hazırladıkları Türkçe Ve İngilizce Yazılmış Rapor Örnekleri

ŞIRNAK İLİ ULUDERE (QILEBAN) İLÇESİ
GÜLYAZI (BUJEH) VE ORTASU (ROBOSKİ) KÖYLÜLERİNİN KATLEDİLMESİ İLE İLGİLİ ARAŞTIRMA-İNCELEME RAPORU ( ROBOSKİ KATLİAMI RAPORU) 03 Ocak 2012
OLAY : Şırnak İli Uludere (Qileban) İlçesi Gülyazı (Bujeh) ve Ortasu (Roboski) Köylerinden Irak sınırına geçmiş ve dönmekte olan sivillerin sınırın sıfır noktasında 28.12.2011 tarihinde 21.30-22:30 sularında Türk Silahlı Kuvvetlerine ait savaş uçaklarının bombardımanı sonucu meydana gelen saldırıda;17’si çocuk, tamamı erkek olmak üzere toplam 35 insanın toplu halde yaşamlarını yitirmesi, 1 kişinin yaralanması ve 2 kişinin yara almadan sağ kurtulması olayı.
AMAÇ: Bu katliam nedeni ile mağdurlar, mağdur yakınları, varsa görgü tanıkları ve resmi yetkililer ile görüşmek, araştırma ve incelemeler ile elde edilen bilgiler sonunda rapor hazırlamak, raporu ilgili ve yetkili kurum ve makamlara göndererek maddi gerçeğin açığa çıkarılmasına katkıda bulunmak, kamuoyunun gerçek bilgiye ulaşmasını sağlamak, faillerin bulunması ve haklarında gerekli soruşturmanın başlatılmasını talep etmek amacıyla bir insan hakları heyeti oluşturulmuştur.
HEYET OLUŞUMU: Olay 29.12.2011 günü sabah saat 09 civarında öğrenilir öğrenilmez, İHD ve MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezleri, yerel şubeleri ile görüşerek ön inceleme ve araştırma yapmak üzere bir heyet oluşturulmasını ve böylece oluşan I. heyet olay bölgesine 29.12.2011 günü akşam saatlerinde gitmiştir.
STÖ ve DKÖ’lerden heyet oluşumu için görüşmeler yapılmış, aynı gün İHD, MAZLUMDER, KESK, TTB, TİHV, ÇHD, Türkiye Barış Meclisi ve DİSK Genel İş’ten oluşan merkezi heyet akşam saatlerinde Diyarbakır’a ulaşmıştır.
ÖN İNCELEME VE ARAŞTIRMA YAPAN I. HEYETİN OLUŞUMU: I. Heyet MAZLUMDER Genel Başkan Yardımcısı Selahattin ÇOBAN, MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Şube Başkanı Abdurrahim AY, MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Şube Yöneticisi Deniz ÇAVUŞ, MAZLUMDER Diyarbakır Şube yöneticisi Nurettin BOZKURT, MAZLUMDER Hakkari Şube Başkanı Cengiz ŞEN, MAZLUMDER Hakkari Şube Yöneticisi Nihat GÜR ve MAZLUMDER Hakkari Şube Yöneticisi Çetin CAN ile
İnsan Hakları Derneği Diyarbakır Şube Yöneticisi ve İHD MYK Üyesi Serdar ÇELEBİ, İHD MYK Üyesi Haşim USLU, İHD Siirt Şube Başkanı Vetha AYDIN, İHD Mardin Şube Başkanı Erdal KUZU, İHD Mardin Şube Yöneticisi Hüseyin CANGİR, İHD Van Şube Sekreteri Sami GÖRENDAĞ, İHD Van şube üyesi Arşad NARÇİN, İHD Hakkari Şube Sekreteri Sait ÇAĞLAYAN, İHD Hakkari Şube Saymanı Ferzende TAŞ, İHD Hakkari Şube Yöneticisi Garip GAZİOĞLU, İHD Yüksekova Temsilcisi Bedirhan ALKAN’dan oluşmuştur.
STK ve DTÖ’lerden Oluşan II. HEYET: II. Heyet İHD Genel Başkanı Öztürk Türkdoğan, MAZLUMDER Genel Başkanı A. Faruk Ünsal, MAZLUMDER GYK Üyesi Nurcan Aktay, KESK Genel Başkanı Lami Özgen, Türk Tabipleri Birliği Merkez Konsey Üyeleri Osman Öztürk, Halis Yerlikaya, Zülfikar Cebe, Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği Genel Başkanı Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı Yönetim Kurulu üyesi Hürriyet Şener, Türkiye Barış Meclisi Sekretaryasından Selma Güngör, İmam Canpolat, DİSK Genel İş Yönetim Kurulu Üyesi Remzi Çalışkan ve yazar Temel Demirer’den oluşmuştur. Heyete Diyarbakır’dan Eğitim Sen Diyarbakır Şube Başkanı Kasım Birtek, KESK Diyarbakır Şubeler Platformu Dönem Sözcüsü BTS Şube Sekreteri Veysel Özhekti, BES Diyarbakır Şube Başkanı Edip Binbir, SES Diyarbakır Şube Yöneticisi Ramazan Kaval, Diyarbakır Tabip Odası Başkanı Şemsettin Koç eşlik etmişlerdir. Heyete yol boyunca Batman, Mardin, Siirt, Şırnak, Hakkari ve Van illerinden kurumlarımızın yerel şubelerinin yöneticileri ve üyeleri de katılmıştır.
HEYET GİRİŞİMLERİ: Heyetten birinci grup, 29 Aralık 2011 tarihinde saat 17.00 sularında Şırnak İli Uludere (Qileban) İlçesine varmış, Devlet Hastanesinde cenazeleri tek tek incelemiş, otopsi yeri ve şartları ile cenazelerin tutulma koşullarını incelemiş, fotoğraf çekimi yapmış ve saat 19.00’da “önizlenim” raporu yayınlamış, 30.12.2011 tarihinde sabah erken saatlerde otopsi işlemlerinin tamamlanmasını beklemiş, otopsi işlemlerinin ardından Gülyazı (Bujeh) Ve Ortasu (Roboski) Köylerine geçmiş, olayın meydana geldiği yerde incelemelerde bulunmuş, birçok köylü ve maktül yakınları ile görüşmüş, görgü ve beyanlarını almıştır. İnceleme ve araştırmanın büyük bir kısmı heyet üyeleri tarafından fotoğraf ve kamera çekimi ile kayıt altına alınmıştır.
MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi, heyet çalışmalarına kolaylıklar sağlanması ve heyet görüşmeleri için 30.12.2011 tarihinde yazı ile Şırnak Valiliği, Uludere Kaymakamlığı, Şırnak Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı ve Uludere İlçe Jandarma Komutanlığından randevu talep etmiştir. Merkezi heyet 30.12.2011 günü sabah saat 04.30’da Diyarbakır’dan bir otobüs ile yola çıkmış, saat 11.00 civarında Uludere’ ye ulaşmış, burada cenaze konvoyu ile Ortasu ve Gülyazı köylerine kadar konvoyla yola devam etmiş, Gülyazı Köyünde cenaze defin işlemlerinin başlangıç kısmına katılmış, zaman geçirmeden olay yerine gitmiş, olay yerine heyetin gittiğini gören askeri birliğin olay yerine (sınır hattına) helikopterlerle asker sevkiyatı yaparak heyetin olay yerine 200 metrede geri dönmesine mecbur bıraktığı, olay yerinden dönen heyet olayın görgü tanıkları ile görüşmüş, üç aileyi evlerinde ziyaret ederek taziyede bulunmuş ve olay hakkında bilgilerine başvurmuş, Ortasu köyü muhtarı ile olaydan sağ kurutulan iki kişi ve diğer köylülerle görüşmüş, akşam saat 20.00 gibi köyden ayrılmıştır.
HEYETİN OLAY YERİNE GİDİŞİ VE YAPTIĞI GÖRÜŞMELER:
Heyetten birinci grup Şırnak İli Uludere (Qileban) İlçesine 29 Aralık 2011 günü saat 17.00 sularında varmıştır. Uludere (Qileban) İlçesinin girişinden itibaren çok fazla yabancı plakalı aracın ve insanın olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. Öldürülen 35 kişi Uludere (Qileban) İlçesi devlet hastanesine, yaralı bir kişinin Şırnak Devlet hastanesine götürülmüş olduğu diğer iki sağ kurtulan kişiden birinin şokta olduğu ve konuşamadığı ve diğer kişi olan Hacı ENCÜ’nün ise konuşabildiği bilgisine ulaşılmıştır. Heyet daha sonra hastane girişinde bulunanlara geliş amaçlarını belirtmiş ve insan hakları savunucuları olarak olaydan duydukları üzüntüyü belirterek başsağlığı dileklerini iletmiştir. Heyet, hastanenin dışında kalabalığın ihtiyaçlarının giderilmesi konusunda herhangi bir hazırlığın olmadığını, dışarıdaki insanların ayakta veya yerde oturduklarını, bir kısım insanların kendi getirdikleri yollukları yediklerini gözlemlemiştir. Heyet hastaneden içeri girdiğinde herhangi bir görevli veya muhatap bulamayıp cenaze yakınlarından cenazelerin büyük kısmının yukarıdaki katlarda bulunduğunu, otopsi işlemlerinin ise aşağı/bodrum katta yapıldığını öğrenmesi üzerine önce otopsi yerine inmiş, inişe göre merdivenin solunda hemen koridorun bir paravanla ayrıldığını ve paravanların üzerine yatak çarşafı türü şeyler atıldığını ve içeride çok kesif bir mazot kokusu olduğunu, inişe göre merdivenin sağında kalorifer kazanı bulunduğunu ve ciddi bir kirlilik olduğunu, otopside bulunan kişileri bir birinden ayırd edememe nedeni ile otopsiye giren avukatlardan bir kısım bilgiler almış ve özellikle görevlilerin çok az sayıda ve hatta adli tıp uzmanları dışında görevlinin olmadığını gözlemlemiştir. Otopsi işlemlerine aileleri temsilen Şırnak Barosundan tek bir avukatın bulunmasına izin verildiği, iki savcının işlemleri yürüttüğü, saat 18.30 itibariyle sadece 6 cenazenin otopsi işleminin tamamlandığı tespit edilmiştir.
Hastanenin kalabalık, cenazelerin gruplar halinde gelişigüzel odalarda battaniyelere sarılı halde bekletildikleri, ailelerin de cenazelerin başında beklemekte oldukları görülmüştür. Heyet giriş katında özellikle kadınların ağıt yaktığını ve feryatlarının hastaneyi inlettiğini gözlemlemiş daha sonra üst katlarda cesetleri bir bir fotoğraflamıştır.
Heyet, otopsi esnasında bekleyen ailelerden konu hakkında bilgi edinilmeye çalışılmıştır. Olayda yara almadan kurtulan ve hastanede bulunan Haci Encü ile görüşmüş ve maktullerin yakınlarıyla, köylülerle baş başa görüşmüştür. Başta hiçbir güvenlik görevlisinin bulunmadığı ancak “önizlenim” raporu yazıldığı esnada iki yarım otobüs robokop ile TOMA tabir edilen araçların hastane önüne geldiği ve polislerin tek sıra halinde inerek hastanenin avlusunun önünden araçların eşliğinde geçtiği gözlemlenmiştir.
30.12.2011 tarihinde hastaneden sabah saatlerinde ayrılan heyetin birinci grubu olayda ölen köylülerin köyüne gitmiş olayın meydana geldiği yer incelenmiştir. Köyden takriben 4-5 km uzak olduğu tahmin edilen olay yerine gitmek için sürekli kullanılan “kaçakçı” yolu diye tabir edilen yolun buzlu olduğu ancak yolun iş makineleri tarafından temizlendiği ve palet izlerinin görüldüğü, yinede çamur olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. Dağlık olduğu gözlemlenen mıntıkada halen kar mevcut olduğu ve savaş uçaklarının bombalama yaptığı yerin sınırın “sıfır” noktası olduğu yerlerde pıhtılaşmış kan izleri görülmüştür. Ölü katırlar ile parçalanmış başkaca parçalarının etrafa savrulmuş olduğu görülmüştür.
I. Heyet olay yerinde bir saatten fazla, köyde de iki saatten fazla incelemelerde bulunmuştur. Görüşmeler geniş tutulmuş, delil olabilecek her şey fotoğraflanmaya, kayıt altına alınmaya çalışılmıştır.
Heyet köyde bulunduğu süre zarfında tek bir asker ve ya güvenlik görevlisini görmemiştir. Köylülerin bulunduğu taziye yerinde, köyün içinde, giriş ve çıkışlarında hiçbir resmi veya sivil jandarma veya başkaca kamu görevlisi görmemiştir.
Merkezi heyetin genel gözlemleri şunlardır: Gülyazı Köyü’nde yapılan toplu defin alanında ve köy içinde hiçbir resmi yetkili ve güvenlik görevlisinin olmadığı, defin alanında Ortasu ve Gülyazı köylüleri ile civar bölge halkından çok büyük bir kalabalık olduğu, Diyarbakır Büyükşehir Belediye başkanı Osman Baydemir ile diğer il ve ilçe belediye başkanların olduğu, BDP Grup Başkanı Selahattin Demirtaş, BDP Grup Başkan Vekili Şırnak milletvekili Hasip Kaplan ile diğer BDP milletvekilleri, bağımsız milletvekili Ahmet Türk’ün ve CHP İstanbul milletvekili Sezgin Tanrıkulu’nun olduğu görülmüş ve kendilerine de başsağlığı dilenmiştir.
Gülyazı köyü yanında tepe yamacında büyük bir askeri birliğin olduğu, bu birlikte askeri helikopterlerin bulunduğu uzaktan gözle görülmüştür.
Gülyazı köyünün nüfusunun oldukça kalabalık olduğu ancak hala köy statüsünde tutulduğu gözlemlenmiştir.
Olay yeri ile olay yerine en yakın askeri birliğin(sınır taburu) arasında harita üzerindeki mesafenin 6,7 km olduğu görülmüştür.
Merkezi heyet Ortasu Köyünden olay yerine giderken, askeri helikopterler tarafından sınır hattına ve heyetin yol güzergahına tam teçhizatlı askeri birlik indirilmiş, ara ara heyet üzerinde helikopterli uçuş yapılarak heyet taciz edilmiştir. Merkezi heyet olay yerine 200 metre kala askerler tarafından durdurulmuş ve olay yerine gidemeyecekleri, bu bölgenin yasaklandığı kendilerine iletilmiş, Heyetin olay yerine gitmekte ısrar etmesi üzerine askeri telsizle gelen emir üzerine olay yerindeki askeri görevli heyetin zorla indirileceğini belirtmesi üzerine heyet geri dönmek zorunda kalmıştır. Ancak, heyet çıplak gözle sınır hattını ve bombalama nedeniyle kararmış tepeyi gözlemiştir.
Heyetlerimiz, aşağıda belirtilen şahıslarla yaptığı görüşmeleri olduğu gibi aktarmaktadır:
1- Olayda sağ kurtulan ve 29.12.2011 tarihinde hastanede görüştüğümüz Haci Encü (19 yaşında) özetle şu beyanlarda bulunmuştur:
“28.12.2011 günü Saat 16.00’da 40-50 kişilik bir grupla birlikte mazot ve gıda maddesi getirmek üzere yine bu sayıda katırla beraber sınırın Irak tarafına geçtik. Karakola özellikle bir bilgilendirme yapmadık ancak gidip geldiğimizi zaten biliyorlardı. Amacımız şeker ve mazot getirmekti. Hatta giderken İnsansız Hava Aracının sesini dahi duyduk ancak sürekli gidip geldiğimiz için yolumuza devam ettik. Akşam 19.00’da katırları yükleyerek yola çıktık. Saat 21.00 gibi sınıra yaklaştık. Bizim köyün yaylasına vardık, yayla tam sınırdadır. Orada önce aydınlatma fişeği ve akabinde de top-obüs atışı yapıldı. Biz yükümüzü sınırın diğer tarafında bıraktık. Hemen ardından uçaklar geldi ve bombardıman başladı, biz iki gruptuk, öndeki grup ile arkadaki grup arasında 300-400 metre mesafe vardı, ilk top atışından hemen sonra uçak geldi, askerler bizim yaylayı tuttukları için, bu tarafa geçebileceğimiz başka yol yoktu, bu nedenle gruplar sıkışarak bir araya gelmek zorunda kaldı, sonunda iki büyük grup olduk, ilk uçak bombardımanında sınırın sıfır noktasında bulunan yaklaşık 20 kişilik grup imha oldu, hemen geriye kaçmaya başladık, kayalıklar arasında kalanların üzerine bomba yağmaya başladı, benim de içinde bulunduğum grup 6 kişiydi, bu gruptan 3 kişi kurtulduk, üzerimizde günlük sivil elbiselerimiz vardı, hiç kimsede silah yoktu, olay 1 saat falan sürdü, bir iki kişi 3 katırla beraber küçük bir deredeki suya girdik, bir saat bekledikten sonra bir kayalığın altına sığındık, arkadaşlarımızdan haber alamadık, saat 23.00-23.30 gibi gelen ışıklardan ve seslerden köylülerin geldiğini anladık, köylüler feryat etmeye başlayınca askerler tuttukları yerlerden çekilerek yaylayı da boşalttılar, çok uzun zamandır bu işi yapıyoruz, iki kişi evliydi, diğerleri lise ve ilköğrenim öğrencisiydi, henüz hiç kimse beni ifade vermem için çağırmadı, olaydan sonra hiç asker görmedim, kurtulan diğer 2 kişi ise Davut Encü (22 yaşında) ve Servet Encü (Şırnak Devlet Hastanesinde yaralı) dür.”
2- Olayda sağ kurtulan ve 30.12.2011 tarihinde cenazelerin defin işleminden sonra görüştüğümüz Servet ENCÜ özetle şu beyanlarda bulunmuştur.
“Bu işi (sınır ticareti) babalarımız da, dedelerimiz de yapıyordu. Biz de yaptık. Burada fabrika falan yok. Biz bu iş ile geçiniyoruz. Bu köyde bu sınırlarda herkes bu işi yapıyor.
Olayın olduğu gece gün akşam 2-3 köyden 7-8’er kişilik olmak üzere toplam 40’a yakın kişi katırlarımızı alıp sınırı 2 km kadar geçtik. Orada Iraklılardan mazot, şeker ve gıda aldık. Haftanin ve Sinat’a da gitmedik. Geri dönerken askerler yolumuzu kestiler. Her zaman keserdiler. Ancak geçmemize izin verirlerdi. Bu kez izin vermediler. Bizi sınırda beklettiler. En son da üzerimize bomba yağdırdılar. Yaşları 10 ile 20 arasında değişen ve içlerinde öğrencilerin de olduğu 37 kişi 50, 60 veya 100-TL için bu işi yaparken vuruldular. Ölenlerden Selam ENCÜ mühendislik okuyordu. Şıvan 15, Orhan 10, Mehmet 11 yaşındaydı. Orada PKK’li (örgüt mensubu) kimse yoktu.
PKK 40-50 katır getirip mazotla uğraşmaz. Bizi sınırda durduran askerler bizimle hiç konuşmadılar. Olaydan sonra hiçbir askeri yetkili yardıma gelmedi. Bombalamadan sonra yaralı olan birkaç kişi yardım gelmemesi üzerine soğuktan donarak öldüler. 38 kişiden biz üç kişi sağ kaldık. Kara gömülüp saklandığım için beni görmediler.
Daha önce de askerler bizi durdururlardı. Ancak daha sonra geçmemize izin verirlerdi. Bu kez her tarafı kapatarak geçmemize izin vermediler. Bombalama başlayınca askerler arabalarına binip gittiler.
Ben sağ kalmasaydım cenazeler orada 1-2 gün daha kalabilirdi. Biz, biri sınırda diğer ikisi uzakta olmak üzere üç ayrı grup halinde idik. İzin verilmeyince yükümüzü bırakıp gitmeyi de düşündük. Bombalamadan sonra 100 m kadar yürüyüp telefonla yardım istedim. 2-3 saat sonra yardım geldi. Asker veya yetkili kimse gelmedi, sadece bizim insanımız geldi. Akşam saat 17.00’da yola çıkmıştık. 21.30’da sınıra gelmiştik. 21.40’ta da bombalama oldu. İçimizdeki çocuklar okul harçlığı için bu işi yaparlardı.
Köyümüz sınırdan 5 km uzaktadır. İlk grup sınıra yetiştiğinde askerin önlem aldığını görünce bize haber verdiler. Biz de hava soğuk olduğu için getirdiğimiz eşyaları bırakıp öyle geçmeyi düşündük. Bu sırada 4 uçak gelerek 1,5 saat boyunca bombaladı. Biz karakola da telefonla haber verdik, gelmediler. Gece saat 3 gibi biz yararlı ve ölüleri yolun yarısına kadar getirdik. Yaralıların yarısı yolda öldü. Zamanında müdahale olsaydı 2-3 kişi kurtulabilirdi. Sınırdaki askerler bizim köylü olduğumuzu ve bu işi yaptığımızı biliyorlardı. Bazen yine sınırı beklerlerdi. 1 tek yolu kapatır, diğer yolları açık bırakırlardı. Arkadaşlar sınırın askerlerce tutulduğunu haber verdiler.
Ben bombalamadın etkisiyle havaya uçtum, yere düşüp kara gömüldüm. Biz izin verildiği sürece bu işi yaparız. Bu güzergahta şimdiye kadar bir çatışma yaşanmamıştır. Şimdiye kadar biz yakalandığımızda katırlarımızı vurur, semerlerimizi ve getirdiğimizi eşyaları yakarlardı. Bu kez bizi vurdular.
İlk grup sınırdan geçemeyince bize haber verdi. Biz de olduğumuz yerde kaldık. Bu arada ilk grup geçişe bir süre sonra izin verilir ya da geçecek başka bir yer bulabiliriz düşüncesi ile beklerken 2 ayrı grup halinde bombalandık. Ayrı ayrı bombalandık.”
Olaydan sonra hiçbir güvenlik gücünün ya da ambulansın gelmediğini ve yaralı olan birkaç kişinin kan kaybından öldüğünü gördüm.”
3- Bir Başka Köylü Olay Tanığı Değil Olay Yerine İlk Gidenlerden (İsminin yazılmasını istemeyen)
Olaydan 2 gece önce Uludere yol ayrımında çatışma yaşanmıştı. Askerler sınır ticaretinden getirdiğimiz malları alıp ilçede ilgili yerlere satan arkadaşlarımıza “bu gece son, artık bu işi yapamayacaksınız” demiş.
4- Olayda yaşam hakkı ihlal edilen Ferhat ENCÜ’nün babsı:
Son 1 aydır, bu işi yaparken askeriye bize hiçbir problem çıkarmamıştı.
5- Bir başka köylü (İsminin yazılmasını istemeyen)
Şırnak’ta gece 3 gibi sağlıkçılar olay yerine ambulansla gelmeye çalışmışlar. Askerler ambulansla olay yerine gidemezsiniz deyip engellemişler. Sağlık ekiplerinin karşılaştığı köylüler olay yerine gitmedikleri için kendilerine tepki gösterince sağlık ekipleri karakola gidip olay yerine gitmek istediklerini söylemişler. Ancak karakolca, gidilmek isteniyorsa sadece patika yolun kullanılabileceği, yolun emniyetli olmadığı söylenmiş. Bu hususu bana Şırnak’ta görev yapan sağlık çalışanı bir arkadaşım söyledi.
6- Bir başka köylü (İsminin yazılmasını istemeyen)
Ben de zamanında kaçakçılık yaptım. Bizim askerlerle aramızda yazılı olmayan bir anlaşmamız vardı. Devlet, bakanlar Libya’daki yaralıları özel ambulans uçaklarla gidip getirirken veya Mavi Marmara saldırısı nedeniyle İsrail’e götürülen yaralıları uçaklarla Türkiye’ye taşırken Şırnak’taki helikopterler kullanılarak kendi vurduğu yaralıları kurtarılabilirdi. Bazı yaralılar soğuktan donarak öldüler.
7- Olayda yaşam hakkı ihlal edilen Özcan UYSAL’ın kardeşi Şükrü UYSAL:
“Ben Ortasu köyünde yaşarım. Ben olay gün köydeydim. Bizim köyde birçok insan geçimini sınır ticaretinden sağlamaktadır. Sınır ticareti uzun yıllardır devam etmektedir. Uzun zamandan beri yapıldığından köyümüzdeki karakolun bilgisi dahilinde yapılırdı. 28.12.2011 tarihinde gündüz saat 2’de benim kardeşimin de içinde bulunduğu grup köyden çıkıp Irak sınırına doğru yol aldılar. Akşam saat 9 gibi geri dönerken sınırda askerlerin ileride yolu kestiklerini görünce iki gruba ayrılmışlar öndeki gurup sınırda bekleyip askerleri gözetlemiş ve gerideki gruba askerlerin pusuda olduklarını bildirirken saldırıya uğramışlar onların gerisinde kalan gurup kayalık bir alana sığınmışlar. Birinci grubun öldürüldüğü yer düz bir yerdir ve hala yerde kar vardır. Askerler tarafından atılan aydınlatma fişeği ortalığı gündüz gibi aydınlatır. Bu aydınlatma sayesinde askerler herkesi rahatlıkla seçebilirdi. Kullanılan güzergâh sürekli kullanılan bir güzergahtır. Yolu vardır. Yol üzerinde maden ocakları vardır. Olayda 35 köylü yaşamını yitirdi ve 3 kişi de yaralandı.”
8- Ortasu Köyü Muhtarı ile taziye evinde yaptığımız görüşmede Muhtar:
“İngiliz sınırı çizdiğinden beri biz bu güzergahta sınır ticareti yani bu işi yapıyoruz. Asker ve devlet görevlileri bu işi yani kaçakçılık yaptığımızı biliyorlar. Ben bu olayın Bülent Arınç’ın Kürtlerin haklarını vereceğiz demesinden sonra olması nedeniyle Ergenekon gibi Balyoz gibi bir hareket olduğunu düşünüyorum. Ayrıca buradaki köyler BDP’ye oy vermiştir. Düşünüyorum niye bu olay oldu. Bir mantıklı izah bulamıyorum. Bölge PKKnın geçiş güzergahı değil, çünkü Irak tarafı düzlüktür, oradan Türkiye sınırına sızma yapılması mümkün değil, kim gelirse Türk askeri tarafında fark edilir. Zaten bu güzergahta şimdiye kadar hiçbir çatışma yaşanmadı. Genellikle operasyon yapılacağında muhtar ve korucubaşı uyarılır kaçakçıların bölgeye gitmemesi, giden varsa da gelmemesi gerektiği belirtilir. Bizim burası özellikle Gülyazı Köyü nüfusu çok olmasına rağmen Belediye yapılmıyor. Sınır kapısının açılmasını istiyoruz. Resmi başvurularımız oldu. Ama nafile.”
9- Ortasu köyünde taziye evinde konuşan bir başka köylü:
“Heronlar her şeyi tespit ediyor. Bizim çocuklarımızın üzerinde silah yoktu. Heronlar bunu tespit etmiş olması lazım. Buna rağmen neden çocukları bombaladılar.”
10- Ortasu Köyünde taziye evinde konuşan Hacı Encü’nün ifadeleri:
“Akşam 19.00 gibi sınıra vardık. Sınırın 2,5 3 Km öte tarafında mazot ve şeker yükleyip, sınıra geldik. Sınıra 200-300 metre kala öncü ekipte olan Servet Encü bize geri gidin, asker sınırı kapatmış dedi. Biz de geri gittik. Daha sonra sınırda aydınlatma yapıldı. Top sesi duyduk. Sonra da savaş uçağı bombaladı. Bombalamaya ara verildi. Yarım saat sonra bizim bulunduğumuz yer bombalandı. İlk grup tamamen yanmıştı. Bizim grubun bulunduğu yer siyahlaşmamıştı.”
11- Ortasu Köyünde taziye evinde konuşan bir başka köylü:
“Olaydan sonra haber verilmesine rağmen kimse yardıma gelmedi. Çağrılarımıza cevap vermediler. Cenazeleri kendimiz getirdik. Zamanında müdahale edilseydi, yaralı çocuklarımız kurtulabilirdi.”
ULUDERE ve ŞIRNAK İLİNDE YAPILAN RESMİ GÖRÜŞMELER:
1- Şırnak Cumhuriyet Başsavcılığı: 30.12.2011 tarihinde MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi tarafından faks gönderilmiş ve teflonla 02.01.2012 tarihinde verilen cevapta“İki günlük yoğun programı olduğu ve müsait olmadığı ve bu nedenle heyetle görüşemeyeceği” bildirilmiştir.
2- Uludere Kaymakamı Naif Yavuz: 30.12.2011 tarihinde MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi tarafından Uludere Kaymakamlığına faks gönderilmiş ve daha sonra yapılan tüm telefon görüşmeleri ve son olarak 02.01.2012 tarihinde yapılan telefon görüşmesine “kaymakam saldırıya uğradı ve otelde dinleniyor, müsait değil” şeklinde Genel Merkez’e olumsuz cevap vermişlerdir.
3-Uludere İlçe Jandarma Komutanlığı: 30.12.2011 tarihinde MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi tarafından Şırnak Uludere İlçe Jandarma Komutanlığına faks gönderilmiş ve son olarak 02.01.2012 tarihinde yapılan telefon görüşmesinde “görüşme yapamayacakları” şeklinde Genel Merkez’e olumsuz cevap vermişlerdir.
4-Şırnak Valiliği: Heyet üyeleri, diğer resmi makamlarla olduğu gibi Şırnak Valiliğine de yazılı olarak müracaatta bulunmuş; 30.12.2011 tarihinde MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi tarafından faks gönderilmiş ve randevu talep etmiştir. Şırnak Valiliği ile MAZLUMDER Genel Merkezi arasında yapılan telefon görüşmesinde yetkili bir muhatap bulunamamıştır.
OLAYA İLİŞKİN İDDİALAR: Olaya ilişkin birçok iddia ileri sürülmektedir. Bunlar arasında en çok göze çarpanlar: resmi makamlar başta Genel Kurmay Başkanlığı’nın 29.12.2011 tarihli ve saat 11: 45 ve BA – 33 / 11 sayılı ilk resmi açıklaması,
“1. Türk Silahlı Kuvvetlerinin sınır ötesi harekatı, TBMM tarafından 17 Ekim 2007 tarihinde kendisine verilen ve birer yıllık sürelerle yenilenen yetki gereği sürdürülmektedir.
2. Terör örgütü elebaşlılarının son dönemde verdikleri kayıplar için gruplara misilleme talimatı verdikleri ve bu doğrultuda özellikle sınır ötesinde Sinat-Haftanin’e takviye maksadıyla çok sayıda terörist gönderildiği bilgisi alınmıştır.
3. Çeşitli kaynaklardan alınan istihbarat ve yapılan teknik analizler sonucunda, içlerinde örgüt elebaşlılarının da bulunduğu terörist grupların bölgede bir araya geldikleri ve sınır hattındaki karakol ve üs bölgelerimize yönelik saldırı hazırlığı içinde oldukları anlaşılmış ve ilgili birlikler ikaz edilmiştir.
4 .Geçmişte bölücü terör örgütü tarafından gerçekleştirilen saldırılarda, teröristlerin, kullandığı ağır silah, cephane ve patlayıcıları yük hayvanları ile Irak’tan getirerek sınırdan içeri soktukları, teslim olan terörist ifadelerinden bilinmektedir.
5. Bölücü terör örgütü mensuplarının, Irak Kuzeyinden gelerek hududumuza yakın karakol ve üs bölgelerimize eylem yapacağına dair istihbaratın artması üzerine, keşif ve gözetleme gayretleri sınır boylarında artırılmıştır. Bu kapsamda, 28 Aralık 2011 günü saat 18.39’da, Irak sınırları içinde hududumuza doğru bir grubun hareket halinde olduğu İnsansız Hava Aracı görüntüleri ile tespit edilmiştir.
6. Grubun tespit edildiği bölgenin teröristler tarafından sıkça kullanılan bir yer olması ve geceleyin hududumuza doğru bir hareketin tespit edilmesi üzerine hava kuvvetleri uçakları ile ateş altına alınması gerektiği değerlendirilmiş ve saat 21.37-22.24 arasında hedef ateş altına alınmıştır.
7. Olayın meydana geldiği yer, bölücü terör örgütünün ana kamplarının konuşlu olduğu, sivil yerleşim bulunmayan, Irak kuzeyindeki Sinat-Haftanin bölgesidir.
8. Olay hakkında idari ve adli inceleme ve işlemler devam etmektedir. Kamuoyuna saygı ile duyurulur.” denilmektedir.
Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi Genel Başkan yardımcısı Hüseyin ÇELİK’in ilk açıklamaları,
“Bugünkü MYK toplantısına üzücü bir olay damgasını vurdu. Şırnak’da gerçekleşen olay son derece üzücüdür. Sinat Haftanin bölgesinde hava kuvvetleri tarafından bir saldırı düzenlenmiştir. Sonuçta 35 vatandaş hayatını kaybetmiştir. Ben hayatını kaybeden vatandaşlara Allah’tan rahmet diliyorum ailelerine baş sağlığı diliyorum. İlk etapta terörist oldukları zannı ile saldırı yapılmıştır. Ancak mahalli idarelerden ve ilk giden devlet görevlilerinden bu şahısların büyük çapta sigara kaçakçıları oldukları kimlikleri açıklanmadan tespit edilmiştir. Haklarındaki bilgilere araştırmalar sonucu ulaşılacaktır. Hayatını kaybedenlerin ailelerine baş sağlığı diliyorum. Yapılan bir hata varsa bu tespit edilecektir. İlk bilgilere göre terörist değil kaçakçı oldukları yönünde.. Yüzde yüz kaçakçı olduklarına ilişkin bir durum olsa dahi bu insanlar böyle bir sonu hak etmiyor. Burada bir kasıt sözkonusu değildir. 33 Kurşun benzetmesini yapanlar büyük bir yanlış içerisindedir. İlk bilgiler doğruysa bu bir operasyon kazasıdır. Bir hata varsa asla örtbas edilmeyecektir. Genelkurmay’ın 8 maddelik açıklamasını çok dikkatlice okudum. Hatırlayın Hantepe saldırısında mühimmatlar katırlarla taşındı. O zaman da niçin tedbir alınmadı diye eleştiriler olmuştu. Benim sözlerim ve TSK’nın açıklaması arasında bir tezatlık yok.. Hava harekatı terörist zannıyla yapıldı.
İstihbarat eksikliği, Operasyon Kazası…
Türkiye’de bir terör olayı olmasaydı bugün bu acı olay yaşanmayacaktı. Terörist unsurlara karşı şahin vatandaşa karşı da güvercin olacağız demiştik. Kaçakçılık yapanlara karşı böyle bir faaliyet olmaz. Temenni ederiz ki böyle talihsiz bir olayla bir daha karşı karşıya kalmayız.. Burada asla bilerek bir durum yaşanamaz; olsa olsa bu bir istihbarat eksikliğinden kaynaklanan operasyon kazasıdır.
35 vatandaşımızın akrabalarının canı yanmıştır. Özellikle tahrike gerek yok. Bu kimseye bir kar sağlamaz. Birilerinin sokak eylemleri olabilir ama BDP’nin yas ilan etmesi normal bir şey ama eğer insanları sokaklara dökmeye teşvik ederseniz daha fazla canın yanmasını teşvik etmemelisiniz.
Doğu ve Güneydoğu’da yaşanan kepenk kapatmalar esnafımıza illallah dedirtmiştir. İnsanlar zor durumda zaten.
Soru-cevaplar
- İdari soruşturma açıldı. Gereken yapılacak. Kendimizi hakim yerine koyamayız.
- Genelkurmay açıklamasıyla benim açıklamam arasında bir tezat yok. Genelkurmay terörist zannıyla yapılan bir açıklama yapmıştır. Hantepe baskınını hatırlayın, bu terörist mühimmat katırlarla taşındı da neden önlem alınmadı denmişti. Onlar daha çok terör örgütünün kullandığı güzergahta bu operasyonun yaptıklarını söylüyorlar. Ama açıklama sonrasında bu insanların kimlikleri belli oldu.
- Bu insanların detaylı kimlikleri, neden orada bulundukları detaylı araştırma sonrasında ortaya çıkacaktır. Maalesef bu kazanın olması terörle mücadele etmeyeceğiz anlamına gelmez. Bu fitne bitinceye kadar mücadele devam edecektir.
- TSK teröristlere karşı şahin, vatandaşlara karşı güvercin olmalı. Kaçakçılık yapan insanlara karşı yapılacak hukuksal yaptırımlar kanunlarımızda yazılıdır.
- Bir tarafta mağaradan canlı olarak teröristi teslim alan asker kaçakçılık yapan insanların ölmesini istemezler. İlk bilgilerimize göre zaten asla kasıt olamaz. Bu zaaf mıdır, yanlışlık mıdır araştırmadan sonra ortaya çıkacak.
- Sabah ilk saatlerden itibaren Başbakanımız gerek Genelkurmay’dan gerek İçişleri
Bakanı’ndan; herkesten bilgiler almıştır.”
• Medyanın ilk beyanları; Sonuç olarak iddialar;
• PKK’li oldukları
• Yanlış istihbarat
• PKK kuryesi oldukları
• Kaçakçı oldukları
HEYETİN YAPTIĞI TESPİTLER:
A) OLAY YERİNE İLİŞKİN TESPİTLER
Heyetten bir grup, 30.12.2011 tarihinde olay yerine gitmek için Ortasu köyünden Saat 07.00’de kendi aracı ile hareket etti belli bir mesafeden sonra yola traktör ile devam edildi. Olay yeri yaklaşık olarak Ortasu köyüne 4-5 km uzaklıkta bir mesafedeydi. Saat10.30 civarında olayın gerçekleştiği ve köylülerin “Yıldıztepe” veya “Yıldız yaylası” olarak adlandırdığı yere ulaşıldı. Heyet ile beraber bir grup gazeteci ve köylü de olay yerine geldi. Heyet katliamın yapıldığı yerde aşağıdaki tespitlerde bulunmuştur.
1. Olay yerinin Ortasu köyüne yaklaşık olarak 4-5 km mesafede olduğu,
2. Ortasu köyünden olay yerine yakın bir yere kadar kullanılabilir bir yol olduğu, yaklaşık 1,5 Km’lik bir patika yoldan olayın gerçekleştiği yere ulaşıldığı,
3. Yol üzerinde ekili tarım alanları ve kömür ocakları bulunduğu,
4. Yol üzerinde boşaltılmış bir binanın bulunduğu ve çok eski olan bu binanın daha once boşaltılan karakol olduğu heyete eşlik eden köylüler tarafından belirtildiği,
5. Olay yerine yaklaşık 300 metre mesafe de ve bombanın düştüğü tepenin karşı tepesinde sadece kafası bulunan bir katırın bulunduğu,
6. Olayın meydana geldiği yerin Irak –Türkiye sınırının 0 noktası olduğu, sınır taşının mevcut olduğu, patlamadan arta kalan kalıntıların etrafa yayılmış olduğu bir kısmının Türkiye tarafında kaldığı, bir kısmının Irak tarafında kaldığı,
7. Olay yerinde sınır taşının Güneybatı istikametinde Irak sınırları içerisinde sınır taşının 50 metre uzağında, yarım metre derinliğinde, 5 metre çapında olduğu anlaşılan bir çukurun mevcut olduğu ve muhtemelen uçaktan atılan bombanın açmış olduğu bir çukur olduğu,
8. Sınır taşının güneyinde vadiye doğru 500 metre aşağısında yine benzer nitelikte bir çukurun bulunduğu
9. Sınır taşının hemen yanında bomba parçalarının görüldüğü, Sınır taşında herhangi bir darbenin olmadığı, mazot bidonlarının etrafa yayıldığı ancak parçalanmadığı, olay yerinde canlı organizma olarak nitelendirebilecek insan, hayvan ve bitki örtüsünün zarar gördüğü ancak isabet eden yer dışında taş, bidon ve benzeri maddelerin etkilenmediği,
10. Çukurun açıldığı yerin etrafında yaklaşık 5 dönümlük alanda sınırın kuzey ve güney yamaçlarından kararmanın olduğu, karın eridiği, ağaçların yandığı,
11. Sınır taşının hemen yanında zeytin ve ekmeğin olduğu bir poşetin olduğu ve poşette herhangi bir tahribat olmadığı,
12. Olay yerinde hala parçalanmış yumuşak dokuların ve kemik parçalarının olduğu, bazılarının katırlara ait olduğunun anlaşılır olduğu ancak bir kısmının da neye veya kime ait olduğunun anlaşılamaz nitelikte olduğu,
13. Tepenin üstünün engebeli ve dağlık olmadığı düzlük bir alan olduğu,
14. Kuzeyinde hakim bir tepe de askerlerin gözetleme kuleleri olduğu ve olayın olduğu yeri net olarak görebildiği,
15. Olay yerinde yaşamını yitiren insanlara ait elbiselerin olduğu ve bir tanesinin cebinden çalışır halde bir cep telefonun bulunduğu,
16. Olay yerinde GSM şebekelerinin olduğu ve telefon ile görüşme yapılabildiği, 17- Olay yerinde heyetin gittiği saat itibarı ile savcılık veya kolluğun olay yerine gitmediği, herhangi bir delil toplama işlemimin yapılmadığı, olay yerinin koruma altına alınmadığı tarafımızdan tespit edilmiştir.
B) OLAYA İLİŞKİN TESPİTLER :
Saldırı sonucu 35 insanın yaşam hakkı ihlal edilmiştir. Heyetin yaptığı görüşmeler ve otopsi kayıtları ile yaşam hakkı ihlal edilenlerin listesi aşağıdadır; (otopsi raporları sonucunda tespit edilen kimlik bilgileri aşağıda belirtilmiştir.)
1. Özcan UYSAL 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
2. Seyithan ENÇ 30/12/1993 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
3. Cemal ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
4. Vedat ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
5. Selim ENCU 1973 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
6. Selahattin ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
7. Nadir ALMA 1986 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
8. Celal ENCU 1986 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
9. Bilal ENCU
10. Şirvan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
11. Nevzat ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
12. Salih ENCU 1993 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
13. Osman KAPLAN 1980 doğumlu.
14. Mahsun ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
15. Muhammet ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
16. Hüsnü ENCU 1981 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
17. Savaş ENCU 1997 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
18. Erkan ENCU 1998 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
19. Cihan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
20. Fadıl ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
21. Şerafettin ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
22. Hamza ENCU 1990 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
23. Aslan ENCU 1994 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
24. M.Ali TOSUN 1987 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
25. Kimlik bilgileri 21 nolu cenaze ile aynı
26. Orhan ENCU 1992 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
27. Salih ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
28. Yüksel ÜREK 1995 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
29. Adem ANT 1992 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
30. Hüseyin ENCU 1991 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
31. Bedran ENCU 1996 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
32. Serhat ENCU 1995 Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
33. Şivan ENCU
34. Abdulselam ENCU Şırnak/Uludere doğumlu.
35. Aidiyeti bilinmeyen kol ve bacak.

Olayda tamamı sivil olup, otopsi tespit tutanağına göre yaşamını yitiren kişilerden 17 kişinin çocuk, 14 kişinin büyük ve diğer 4 kişinin ise otopsi tutanaklarında yaşlarının belirtilmediği,
• Yaş itibari ile büyük olarak tespit edilen kişilerin yaş aralığının genel olarak 19-25 yaş aralığında olduğu,
• Olay esnasında gruba DUR ihtarı yapılmadığı ve uyarılmadıkları, yaşamını yitiren insanlardan hiçbir surette güvenlik güçlerine ateş açılmadığı, askerlerin de bireysel olarak ateş etmedikleri, olayda uçakların bombardıman yaptıkları ve ölümlerin bu nedenle olduğu,
• Sivillerin olay yerinde bulunan güvenlik güçlerince tanınan ve bilinen insanlar oldukları, güvenlik güçlerinin sınır ticareti nedeniyle yapılan bu gidiş ve gelişlerden haberdar oldukları,
• Tarafımızdan yapılan tespitler ile görgü tanıklarının ve köylülerin anlatımından sınır ticareti için aynı güzergahın sürekli kullanıldığı ve güvenlik kuvvetleri dahil herkesçe bilindiği, kullanılan yolun büyük kısmının patika yol olmadığı, yolun üstünde maden ocaklarının bulunduğu,
• Resmi açıklamaların aksine olay yerinin Sinat- Haftanin olarak adlandırılan bölgeye uzak olduğu, saldırıya uğrayan grubun da Irak-Türkiye sınırının üstünde olduğu,
• Olaydan sonra hiçbir resmi kurumun yaralıları ve cenazeleri almak için girişimde bulunmadıkları ve köylünün kendi imkanlarıyla olay yerine geç intikalden dolayı kimi yaralıların kan kaybı veya donarak öldükleri, olaydan sonra köylülerin cenazeleri almaya gitmeleri ile birlikte yol kesen askerlerin oradan ayrıldıkları, cenazelerin köylüler tarafından alınarak kendi imkanları ile Gülyazı köyüne getirildikleri,
• Hastane koşullarının otopsi işlemine elverişli olmadığı, cenazelerin gelişigüzel odalara bırakıldığı, cenazelerin akrabaları tarafından battaniyelere sarıldıkları, hastane personelinin yetersiz sayıda olduğu hatta gördüğümüz kadarıyla neredeyse yok denecek sayıda olduğu ve cenazelerin aileler tarafından otopsiye ve cenaze araçlarına taşındığı,
• Cenazelerden otopsi sonucunda elde edilecek delillerin mevcut koşullar nedeniyle usulüne uygun şekilde alınamayacağı, bu nedenle delillerin karartılma ihtimalinin yüksek olduğu,
• Hastanede heyetimiz tarafından görülen cesetlerin bir kısmının yanmış, iç organlarının dışarıda olduğu, çoğunun kafatasının parçalandığı, vücut bütünlüklerinin parçalanmak suretiyle bozulduğu,
• Olayda tahrip gücü çok yüksek, yakıcı nitelikte mühimmatın kullanıldığı,
• Katliamı yapan şüpheliler olarak herhangi bir gözaltı ve tutuklama olmadığı,
• Olayın meydana geldiği yerin Türkiye-Irak sınırının sıfır noktası olduğu,
• Olayda hayatını kaybedenlerin sınır ticareti (mazot, sigara ve gıda maddeleri) ile uğraştıkları, bunun uzun yıllardan beridir karakolun bilgisi dahilinde yapıldığı, özellikle son bir ayda karakol tarafından kolaylık sağlandığı ve müsamaha tanındığı,
AYDINLATILMASI GEREKEN NOKTALAR :
1. Olay sonrası Karakol ve gözetleme kuleleri yakın olduğu ve haber verilmesine rağmen ve yakın bir mesafede olmasına rağmen ve özellikle korucuların ve diğer kişilerin olaydan hemen sonra askeri birimlere haber verdiği kesin olduğu dikkate alındığında neden olay yerine hiçbir görevli, yetkili gitmemiştir.
2. Olay sonrasında Şırnak ve diğer yerlerden gelen ambulanslar ile sağlık görevlilerine neden izin verilmemiştir.
3. Ağır yaralı bazı kişilerin tıbbi müdahalesizlikten ve soğuktan öldükleri iddiası karşısında ilgililerin olay yerine gitmeyişinin ve bu ölümlerin sebebi tek tek ve ayrıntılı olarak ortaya çıkarılmalıdır.
4. Köylülerin uzun yıllardır bu işi yaptığı dikkate alındığında geçmişte yaşanmış benzer olaylar olup olmadığı yönünde özel bir araştırma yapılmalıdır. Bu olayların meydana gelmesinde köyün bağlı olduğu karakolun bir kastı veya ihmali olup olmadığı araştırılmalıdır.
5. Köyde bulunan korucular ve muhtara daha önce operasyon yapılacağında “kaçağa gitmeme” hususunun bildirildiği, bu olayda askerlerin gündüzün kaçağa gidenleri gördüğü halde bu hususun bildirilmediği yönündeki iddialar araştırılıp aydınlatılmalıdır.
6. Kaçakçı toptancı ve dağıtıcılarına mal veren kaçakçıların kulağına giden “bu son kaçak olacak” yönündeki iddialar ve bilgilerden amaçlananın ne olduğu, bu bombalamanın yapılacağının önceden bilinip bilinmediği hususu araştırılmalıdır.
7. İnsansız hava araçlarının (Heron) çektiği görüntülerden yükün şekli nedeni ile yükün mahiyeti hakkında bilgi verebildikleri ve silah olup olmadığını tespit ettikleri iddiası nedeni ile bu olayda Heron görüntülerinin bu grubun yükü ve silah durumu hakkında bilgi verip vermediği ve bu grubun sivil olduğu yönünde bir rapor verip vermediği araştırılıp aydınlatılmalıdır.
8. Olayda kullanılan mühimmat ve patlayıcıların miktar, hedef ve amacının ne olduğu ve ne kadar süre bombaladığı, iddia edildiği gibi öncesinde bir aydınlatma fişeği ve karadan top atışının yapılıp yapılmadığı hususlarının, uçaklar tarafından kullanılan bombaların niteliğinin tespit edilmesi gerekir.
9. Olay sonrası, saldırıyı düzenleyen uçaklarla hava komuta merkezi arasındaki telsiz görüşmeleri, köy korucuları, köy muhtarı ile karakol arasında veya 3. kişiler arasında yapılan telefon ve telsiz görüşmelerinin kayıtları/görüşme nokta ve mesafelerinin aydınlatılması gerekmektedir.
10. Olay sonrası köyden giden grupların yolda askerlerle karşılaştığı ve köylüler gittikten sonra yoldan ayrıldıkları/çekildikleri yönündeki bilgiler araştırılmalıdır.
11. Genel Kurmay’ın basın açıklamasına göre İHA’lara ilk görüntü 18:39 ‘da rastlanılmış, bombardıman 21:37 ‘de yapılmıştır. Aradan geçen 3 saat zarfında yerel unsurlardan herhangi bir istihbarı bilgiler teyit ettirilmiş/ek bilgi alınmış mıdır? Alınmamış ise neden gerek duyulmamıştır.
12. Resmi makamların “örgüt üyesi zannedilip vuruldular” şeklindeki açıklamaları dikkate alındığında “Velev ki sözü edilen grup “örgüt üyelerinden müteşekkil bir grup” olsa herhangi bir uyarı yapılmadan bu şekilde savaş uçakları ile tahrip gücü yüksek bombalar ile yargısız bir şekilde infaz edilmelerini meşru ve haklı bir gerekçe olabilir mi?
13. Bazı cenazelerin yanmış ve kömürleşmiş olması karşısında bombardımanda kullanılan silahlar arasında kimyasal bileşik kullanılmış mıdır?
14. Şimdiye kadar olayın meydana geldiği bölgede hava veya kara operasyonu yapılmış mıdır? Yapılmış ise hangi tarihlerde yapıldığı ve sonucu ne olduğunun açıklanması gerekmektedir.
15. Katliamın yaşandığı gecenin sabahında köylüler kendi imkânları ile cenazeleri çıkardıkları esnada havada dolaşan helikopterin uçuş amcanın ne olduğu ve hangi gerekçeler ile yardım için inmediği aydınlatılmalıdır.
16. Yerel askeri ve sivil yetkililerin yaşamını yitirenlerin ailelerini arayarak cenazeleri ayrı ayrı gömmeleri konusunda telkinde bulunup bulunmadığının aydınlatılması gerekir. 17. Yerel yetkililer ile Hükümet yetkilileri olayı bilmelerine rağmen ilk gün niçin kamuoyuna aydınlatıcı açıklamalar yapmamışlardır.
KANAAT ve ÖNERİLER:
1- Heyetimiz bu olaya ilişkin olarak yapılanın bir yargısız infaz olduğu, öldürülenlerin sayısı itibariyle “toplu bir katliam” niteliği taşıdığı,
2- Bu olayın yıllardır hesabı sorulamayan ve “Terörle mücadele” adı altında yapılan yargısız infaz ve katliamların bir devamı olduğu,
3- Bu amaçla ulusal ve uluslar arası sivil ve demokratik kitle örgütlerinin incelemede bulunmak üzere duyarlılık göstermeleri gerektiği,
4- Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi İnsan Hakları Komisyonu’nun toplumda infial uyandıran ve karanlık noktaları olan bu katliamı bir an önce gündemine alıp gerekli incelemeyi yapması gerektiği,
5- BM ve Avrupa Konseyi insan hakları birimlerinin olayı incelemesi gerektiği,
6- Katliam sorumlu ve faillerinin yargı önüne çıkarılması için tüm kurumlar üstüne düşen görevleri hakkıyla yapması, etkili bir soruşturma yapılabilmesi için olayda sorumluluğu bulunan askeri ve sivil tüm yetkililerinin (bombalama emri verenler dahil) soruşturma sonuçlanıncaya kadar görevlerinden açığa alınması, Savcılık ve idari birimlerin sorumlular hakkında ivedi olarak etkin bir soruşturma yapması, sorumlular hakkında açılacak kamu davasının adaleti sağlanması ve kamu vicdanını rahatlatması gerektiği
7- Devlet’in yapılanın bir katliam olduğunu kabul etmesi ve özür dilemesi, Hükümet’in olayın siyasi sorumluluğunu üstlenmesi, İç İşleri Bakanı’nın istifa etmesi, Genel Kurmay Başkanı ve sorumlu kuvvet komutanı veya komutanlarının görevden alınması gerektiği,
8- Devlet’in öldürülenlerin ailelerine tatmin edici, acı ve elemlerini hafifletici maddi ve manevi tazminat vermesi ve bunu minnet olarak yapmaması gerektiği,
9- Medya ve diğer her türlü yayın organı peşin hükümlü ve “suçlu” yaklaşımı ile kişileri “yargısız infaza” layık görme eğiliminden vazgeçmesi ve etik ilkeleri esas alması gerektiği,
10- Sanayi, hayvancılık ve tarım imkânlarının olmadığı olay bölgesinde tek geçim kaynağının sınır ticareti olduğu, sınır kapısının olmaması, mevzuatın elverişli olmaması nedeni ile yapılan bu işe “kaçakçılık” adının verildiği görülerek bir an önce sorunu çözecek yasal düzenlemeler yapılması gerektiği, nüfusu kalabalık olan yörenin idari yapısının Beldeye çıkarılması,
11- Kürt Sorunun çözümünde şiddete dayalı politikaların bu tür karanlık eylemlerin zeminini oluşturduğu, bu nedenle Hükümetin politikasını değiştirerek demokratik ve barışçıl çözüm geliştirmesinin bu olayla birlikte bir kez daha elzem olduğunun ortaya çıktığı,
Kanaatine varılmıştır.
İNSAN HAKLARI VE MAZLUMLAR İÇİN DAYANIŞMA DERNEĞİ (Mazlumder)
İNSAN HAKLARI DERNEĞİ(İHD)
KAMU EMEKÇİLERİ SENDİKALARI KONFEDERASYONU(KESK)
TÜRK TABİPLERİ BİRLİĞİ(TTB)
ÇAĞDAŞ HUKUKÇULAR DERNEĞİ(ÇHD)
TÜRKİYE İNSAN HAKLARI VAKFI(TİHV)
TÜRKİYE BARIŞ MECLİSİ(TBM)
DİSK GENEL İŞ SENDİKASI (Genel İş)

Ekler

1- Cenazelerin köylüler tarafından taşındığına dair fotoğraf
2- Olay Bölgesine gidilen yol ile ilgili fotoğraf
3- Cenazelerin hastanede rastgele yere bırakıldıklarına dair fotoğraf
4- Otopsinin hangi koşullarda yapılığını gösterir fotoğraf
5- 35 kişiye ait otopsi tutanakları (71 sayfa)
6- Olay yerinde bombalama sonrası kalıntıları ve sınır taşını gösterir fotoğraflar

Go see “Min Dit”

Kani Xulam
December 18, 2011

(A slightly older version of this piece also appeared on Rudaw.net earlier today, December 18, 2011.)

If you want to see a good Kurdish film that tries to define the complicated Kurdish Question in 102 minutes, go see “Min Dit”.  The late Evrim Alatas, a journalist covering the killing fields of Kurdistan, is credited with its story.  The Filmmaker, Miraz Bezar, has adapted it to the screen.  At first sight, violence seems to be its primary theme.  The children are its collateral damage.  A Kurdish folktale about a wolf — played on a tape recorder — is in the background as a bedtime story.  In the tale itself, the wolf attacks the livestock.  The villagers put on their guns and get on their horses to kill the beast.  A village elder intervenes: he wants to handle the predator himself.  His request is granted.  He approaches the animal carefully and offers it meat.  As the wolf devours the offering, it turns gentle.  The old man takes advantage of the opportunity and ties a bell around its neck.  It is the beginning of the end for the wolf.  No longer can it engage in sneak attacks on the unsuspecting livestock of the villagers.  The children, quick learners, take the tale’s message to heart.  They use it to expose the Turkish thugs who have murdered their parents.  Watching the film, I had a cathartic moment.  I had gone through a similar feeling when the Kurds had mounted the statue of Saddam Hussein on April 12, 2003 in Kirkuk.  I am looking forward to a replay of the same in Turkish Kurdistan when the mounting is done to Ataturk.  Lukman Ahmad, the struggling Kurdish artist in Northern Virginia, is right: “Art is stronger than politics.”  “Min Dit” is a good proof of it.

Not everybody was on board, at the Washington, DC showing of the film, with the central theme of the movie: nonviolent resistance as a tactic.  During the Q&A session with the director, a viewer expressed something to the effect, “We,” meaning the Kurds, “would be foolish to turn the other cheek,” a reference to Jesus’ admonition to his disciples in Matthew (5:39): “But I say, do not resist an evil person! If someone slaps you on the right cheek, offer the other cheek also.”  I don’t think we should reject Jesus or his message outright.  There has to be a reason for their enduring popularity in our merci-less world.  While I am no authority on either, some of my favorite authors speak highly of both: John Ruskin, Leo Tolstoy, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.  And the message of the film was not about Jesus per se, but one of our own, an old Kurdish man, who, when confronted with an existential threat, didn’t just fold, but fought back, and (read this part slowly and twice) with wisdom, élan and elegance. How many of us know how to fight like that?  Really.  In the latest Kurdish uprising in Turkish Kurdistan, close to 90 percent of the losses have been our own.  A change in tactics will not mean disrespecting the memories of the fallen, as the above referenced viewer thought it might, but only smarting from our losses to take stock of our situation for the good.  We have to also admit to a brutal fact: we have lost every battle for freedom in the last two hundred years.  Only our staying power has saved us, so far, from the evil designs of our adversaries.  A reevaluation of our situation is certainly needed.  This film compels you to inch towards that necessary moment.

The film itself begins with an old man selling cigarettes for a living on the streets of Amed, a.k.a., Diyarbakir.  You can’t help but wonder why would he sell poison to steal days from the lives of the living.  Chances are he is oblivious to what he is doing.  Poverty is not conducive to speculative pursuits.  Because I come from Amed, the city where “Min Dit” was filmed, and because I know the type, I could easily picture him living a comfortable life in his village tucked away in the mountains of Kurdistan as a farmer or animal herder before his forced displacement.  That life was subjected to an earthquake of sort because of the armed struggle of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) against the occupation forces of the Turkish government.  That resistance and its suppression have created a recurring cycle in Kurdish lands.  The youth in the villages join the rebels.  The Turkish army retaliates by destroying their settlements.  The old and the youngest flee to the larger cities.  Hunger, homelessness, fear and a bleak future welcome the uprooted into their new environments.  Proud grandfathers end up selling cigarettes to stay alive.  Young mothers sell anything  –  even, sometimes, their bodies  — to buy toys, often guns, for their children.

If the scene reminds you some passages from Thomas Hobbes, you are not far off.  Life comes close to his famous words: “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”  That is what happens to you if fate sends too many Turks your way.  They don’t know how to rule, worse, they think allowing the Kurds to rule themselves will mean the end of the world.  They have a prime minister who engages in hypnotics as a matter of policy and talks to the Kurds as if they were retards.  In his words,  “Sorun var diye inanmayacaksın, sorun yok diye inanacaksın.  Sorun var diye inanırsan sorun olur.  Sorun yok dersen sorun ortadan kalkar.  –  which translates as, you have to not believe that there is a [Kurdish] question, you have to believe that there is no [Kurdish] question.  If you believe there is a [Kurdish] question there will be a [Kurdish] question.  If you say there is no [Kurdish] question there will not be a [Kurdish] question [the italics are mine].”  Never mind that some 45 thousand people, mostly Kurds, have died in the most recent and still ongoing Turkish-Kurdish conflict.  His arrogance and habitual lies remind one of Fyodor Pavlovitch, a character in The Brothers Karamazov.  What Father Zossima tells Mr. Pavlovitch can easily be said of Mr. Erdogan: “The man who lies to himself can be more easily offended than any one.  You know it is sometimes very pleasant to take offense, isn’t it?  A man may know that nobody has insulted him, but that he has invented the insult for himself, has lied and exaggerated to make it picturesque, has caught at a word and made a mountain out of a molehill – he knows that himself, yet he will be the first to take offense, and will revel in his resentment till he feels great pleasure in it, and so pass to genuine vindictiveness.”  Genuine vindictiveness…  Doesn’t that sum up the policy of Erdogan and his ilk towards the Kurds?  What else could explain his army’s use of chemical weapons against 36 Kurdish fighters on October 22, 2011?  And we still have some happy-go-lucky Kurds who have tethered their fate to his capriciousness.  I feel like giving a copy of The Brothers Karamazov to every one of these Kurds.

After the opening shots of the film, we are introduced to a journalist by the name of Vedat Gun.  He covers the killing fields of Kurdistan for a fledgling Kurdish newspaper, Ozgur Gundem.  Death is his daily intake as water is ours.  He has a wife, Sevda, and they have three children: Dilovan, Firat and Gulistan.  It is a tense job in a tense city teeming with soldiers, armored vehicles, tanks, helicopters and fighter planes even though we don’t get to see many of them on the screen, but hear them in the background.  The humor is dark; the smiles are bitter and short.  Yekbun, Sevda’s sister, is a Kurdish activist.  Sevda is worried about her and tells her so.  Yekbun shots back: “Don’t worry sis.  There are one hundred thousand Turkish soldiers in the city.  It is the safest place to be…”

It is the opposite.  The soldiers are there to hunt the Kurds.  They target the bravest, the brightest, the kindest, and the most politicized  –  the favorite Kurds of the Turks are the happy-go-lucky ones.  A Kurdish guy, Memo, is a fugitive.  Yekbun asks her sister if he could stay with them.  It is a tough decision, but hospitality is all-important.  Sevda talks to her husband.  They agree to have him.  It is a dangerous arrangement.  As Memo moves from house to house, his hosts are discovered.  Vedat is put under surveillance.  The fact that he is a journalist is an additional “bonus.”  Right around that time, Vedat and his family are invited to a wedding in nearby Elih, a.k.a., Batman.  He borrows a friend’s car.  He and his family have a great time at the celebration.  On the way back, they are stopped.  The killers, masquerading as Turkish police officers, kill him and his wife in front of their children.  It is a hellish scene.  I was only partly happy that, at least, Vedat and Sevda’s last day was a festive one.  I kept playing their dancing scenes in my mind while watching them die on the screen.

Yekbun, Sevda’s sister, takes charge of the children.  As she tries to make arrangements to fly with them to their grandfather in Sweden, the police arrest her.  They also get Memo.  Both are tortured.  Later, their dead bodies are dumped outside of the city as if they were trash.  Yekbun missing, the children are all alone.  Dilovan, the infant girl, needs care, but Firat and Gulistan, who are seven and ten years old respectively, can’t provide it.  A neighbor who has been helpful relocates to Istanbul.  Money runs out.  House furniture is pawned for emergencies.  But when Dilovan gets sick, they can’t afford to buy her medicine.  Unable to pay their bills, their water is cut off.  The electricity soon follows.  Dilovan’s death comes after.  On the day of her burial, they are also evicted from their apartment.  They wander in the streets like rudderless ships in a hostile sea.  It dovetails well with the master plan of the Turks.  A shocked and awed Kurdish youth will never challenge the Turkish rule.  But what the Turks don’t understand is that Gulistan has internalized the wisdom of the old folktale.  A mind has been lit by fire.  Understanding beyond her years guides her actions now.  It is like as if God has finally decided to pay a visit to Amed.  To quote one of Dr. King’s favorite prophets, Amos (5:24): “Let justice flow like a river and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream.”  It does.  A warm feeling takes over your body.  At least it did mine.

That it takes the help of a prostitute to deliver justice to the leader of Turkish thugs is one of the more interesting twists of the film.  Dilara, a Kurdish hooker, meets the homeless siblings in a city park when they are munching on bread for nourishment.  She needs customers and the kids are desperate for an income to stay alive.  She asks them if they would distribute her flyers in exchange for some spending money.  They accept the proposal.  Initially, Dilara reneges on her promise and cheats the kids.  But Gulistan runs into Dilara again and they manage to work out a plan to help each other.  Dilara can’t afford a pimp to protect her from violent customers, but uses Gulistan as a lookout.  Despite the awkwardness of initial encounters, a routine is established.  One day, one of the callers turns out to be the killer of Vedat and Sevda.  Gulistan recognizes him, but holds her tongue  –  when the same happens to Firat, in an earlier scene, he freezes and wets himself.  In the meantime, we find out that the killer has a son that he adores  –  he is as old as Firat  –  and a beautiful wife that adores him.

But this supposedly “family man” is not at peace with himself.  The Turkish rulers are not just killing Kurds for fun, but also failing their own flesh and blood, the Turks.  Sleep escapes him.  Restlessness is his companion.  Cigarettes hardly ever leave his lips.  You can’t help but ask yourself, was that the reason the old man was selling cigarettes for a living at the beginning of the film?  Because he lives the life of a killer and a liar, like his prime minister, again, as Father Zossima of Dostoyevsky would have put it, “[He] loses all respect for himself and for others.  And having no respect he ceases to love, and in order to occupy and distract himself without love he gives way to passions and coarse pleasures, sinks to bestiality in his vices, all from continual lying to other men and himself.”  In such a state of mind, he continues to meet with Dilara and one day asks her and Gulistan to accompany him to his apartment.  Dilara is hesitant, says, “I don’t go to the homes of my customers,” but Gulistan urges her to do so and she complies.  To the killer’s home, they go.

When Gulistan enters the apartment, it is like a Jew entering the headquarters of Gestapo in Berlin or an Iraqi Kurd entering the command center of Mukhābarāt in Baghdad or a Tibetan entering the offices of Ministry of State Security in Beijing or my favorite, the old man of the folktale entering a pet store to buy himself another bell to disarm another wolf  –  sorry People for Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), I don’t mean real wolves, but people who have developed wolfish characteristics, like the Turks.  While Dilara is servicing the bestiality of the Turkish thug, Gulistan is on a mission of her own.  She finds out the true identity of the killer.  She steals one of his photos.  She grabs his gun and considers avenging the death of her parents, but hears, I think, the old man of the folktale telling her not to go for violence or instant gratification.  She doesn’t.  Instead, she steals his gun and goes to her brother, Firat, and says, “I saw the killer.”  Its shortened version, “Min Dit,” becomes the title of the film.

Firat, in the meantime, has teamed up with a bunch of other homeless kids.  They steal for a living.  They cultivate their violent streak by killing live frogs with slingshots.  With the discovery of the killer, the children decide to expose him like the wolf in the bedtime story.  They make a flyer with the information Gulistan has collected from his apartment.  They deliver one to his door handing it to his son.  They distribute the others from house to house and shop to shop throughout the neighborhood.  They take control of the PA system in the local mosque and denounce him as the killer of Vedat and Sevda from the top of a minaret as if God were making the announcement.  They use the streets as blackboards and write out his name and crimes in large block letters for all to see.  Right away, the neighbors shun him, as does his son.  He goes berserk as an involuntary big smile crosses your face.  The Turks have a built-in advantage in violence.  It behooves us to look for their soft underbelly.  Having shepherded livestock in the mountains of Kurdistan as a kid, I can tell you from experience that a whip that weighs ten ounces can corral a bull that weighs 3000 pounds.  I will also be the first to note that it is harder to engage in nonviolent resistance than violent retaliation.  But we have tried the latter.  It is high time we also experimented with the first.

If you are a Kurd or a friend of the Kurds, please consider hosting a showing of this film in your communities to spark a debate about what is happening in Turkish Kurdistan.  If your means allow it, consider also inviting the filmmaker, Miraz Bezar, for a Q&A session.  He knows how to tickle minds; your audiences will love him.  Many thanks to the Kurdish Studies Association (KSA) of Middle East Studies Association (MESA) for doing both at the latter’s annual conference in Washington, DC in early December.

Kani Xulam
November 18, 2011

A new novel about the Kurds has hit the bookstores. Sophie Hardach is its author. She is German, but her book is in English. Because most diaspora Kurds live in Germany, because I like the way German mind works (just look at the way their cars work) and because Kurds could always learn something useful these days from the observation of others, I ordered my own copy, “The Registrar’s Manual for Detecting Forced Marriages”. I have now finished reading it. It is critical of the Kurds — I liked it; I don’t like it when Kurds praise themselves to the skies with nothing to show for it. It speaks of the cold of exile from the experience of someone who has actually lived it — a good writer can do that; watch out for her other promising books in the near future. It tackles the themes of idealism and cynicism too, alas, I saw more of the latter than the former. And I was in for a surprise as well, Islamophobia, a subject that I had hardly associated with the Kurds and Kurdistan, until now, that is.

The protagonist of the novel is a Kurdish boy named Selim. The narrator, a spunky and feisty German woman, introduces him to us when he is swimming to the shores of Italy in Adriatic. For reasons that are entirely not clear, he and his companions have disembarked at a spot where raw sewage is dumped into the sea. Is it because the border police think no one could possibly stand the stench of the slime of Italians? In front of the Kurds beckon the shores of freedom and behind them the memories of loved ones who have been tortured, sometimes to death, in Turkish prisons. And no, the sea doesn’t part for these forsaken children of God. With nothing to lose but their miserable lives, they dash for the firm land and actually make it. But liberty’s wages have always been high and a Kurdish baby named Evin, meaning love in English, becomes lifeless in the passage. Her parents place the dead body in a shallow grave on the beach, cover it with sand, and move on. You can’t help but admire the Kurds for their stoicism. And the writer does.

Selim eventually makes it to Germany. He is placed in an asylum house not for the insane but the stateless among whose denizens are Nigerians who are claiming to be Liberians and Egyptians who pass as Palestinians. The Nigerians and the Egyptians are discovered and deported, but Selim, because he is a minor and indeed stateless, is allowed to stay till his case is adjudicated. In the meantime, the authorities think he should learn German. He is registered at the local high school. Not knowing the languge of Germans, he feels lost and sticks out like a sore thumb. Some Turkish hoodlums gang up on him and actually beat him. Five years later, his case is decided. When he is 18, he must be deported. While he is still 17, he is introduced to the narrator of the book, a politically sensitive German girl, for a possible marriage of convenience to thwart the government’s plan to deport him. She goes for it. Selim is happy, but somehow doesn’t think his happiness will hold.

Reading the story thus far, you cannot help but admire the German girl for her act of solidarity. You get curious about her character. She is not shy to supply the answer. At one point in her narration, she talks of a fellow German called Carl, who helps refugees like Selim, saying, “He actually puts up Kurdish refugees in his flat, after they have gone underground, so they won’t be deported. I mean how many people do that? Everyone’s always, like, oh, if I had lived under the Nazis I would have hidden all my Jewish neighbors and I would have been such a saint, but right now how many people actually go and offer food and shelter or really any kind of basic help to people who face deportation? Like, who does that? We don’t, right?” And at another, speaking of herself, she says, “Like many teenagers, I had long been into politics. Not party politics, which I wrote off as corrupt and boring, but the politics of values: justice, equality, freedom.”

Finally you say, or at least I did, here is an unblemished mind fully dedicated to doing her share to right the wrongs that have been piled on the Kurds. In addition to helping the sole Kurd, she becomes an anarchist and colors her hair green, to express solidarity with the Green movement? she doesn’t say, and takes part in demonstrations against the storage of radioactive waste on German soil. When confronted with the police, while blocking the railroad tracks that is, she has her fellow anarchist, Julian, say, “If you don’t respect our lives, we don’t respect your laws.” Imagine this motto becoming a slogan in the mouths of the Kurds in Turkey, the place that continues to torment Selim even when he is in Germany. But I am getting ahead of myself here. Going back to our narrator, unlike most Germans, she is not afraid of her country’s Nazi past and talks of it when the occasion calls for it.

In 1989, she writes, the authorities in her school decided to change the name of her high school from Gymnasium to Heinrich-Heine-Schule. Heinrich Heine, she tells her English readers, was a Jewish poet. And she doesn’t just stop there. She also points out that the ceremony for the name change overflowed with “heartfelt hypocrisy” and was 45 years too late. Heartfelt hypocrisy! I liked the phrase at first sight. I think it could be used for a tombstone of someone like the prime minister of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Imagine reading, here lies a mortal who championed the rights of Palestinians to a state of their own but denied the same right to the Kurds under his care and died of heart attack due to utter hypocrisy. Again, forgive me for the digression; I just couldn’t help it. In Nazi years, the narrator goes on to add, the school was named after the fuhrer, Adolf-Hitler-Schule. But for the high school to get its prewar name, Heinrich-Heine-Schule, it had to endure not just a war, but also the prejudices of a generation that lingered around for the next 45 years.

I realize that I have so far spoken primarily of the narrator and things mainly German and would like to now tell you of Selim, the Kurdish character, who is psychoanalyzed as if he were on Freud’s famous couch. Initially, I thought it was too intrusive; eventually, I realized it was cathartic. Kurds should pay heed to the narrator of Sophie Hardach. She is critical, but not mean. She loses her idealism; Selim’s part in it is not inconsequential. Tennyson once wrote, “I am part of all that I have met.” The narrator, by the time she divorces Selim, has become a little bit like him and here is the harder question: has Selim become a little bit like her? At times, you want to say, yes. At other times, you are not sure. If the question were posed to the narrator, her answer would have been a categorical no. Selim’s answer would have been, probably, a maybe. What follows is how I see their interaction, as a Kurdish activist. Until you read the book, you are going to have to put up with my observation.

Although theirs is a make believe marriage, like its real counterpart, it has its taxing moments. Dr. Habicht, the attorney representing Selim, needs to be discreet, as do the partners of this fake union, the narrator and the Kurd. They have to have a real address and the immigration authorities have to be notified of their every move. After her graduation from high school, the narrator moves to France to attend a university in Paris. The French, she finds out, are not as intrusive as the Germans to her great relief. Her friends, when she tells them of Selim, find it exotic that she has a Kurdish connection. But Selim, inured to bad news, the narrator tells us, never thought the union, even on paper, would ever be consummated. Once married, he does his share to keep up appearances. But the German stickiness for rules almost brings down this house of cards. Selim moves to a new place, but forgets to notify the authorities. The narrator is asked about it when she is renewing her passport, but manages to make up for Selim’s carelessness. The fact that the narrator has to lie about her marital status year after year gets to her. In one angry outburst, she says, “There was the simple fact that my freedom, my not being arrested, entirely depended on a group of insiders keeping their word and being discreet. In particular, it depended on the competence and organization of someone I knew to be neither competent nor organized: Selim.”

As if Selim’s carelessness was not enough, 9/11 intervenes. The narrator is in Paris and receives a text message from Julian urging her to check the news. The news doesn’t need elaboration in these pages. What needs to be related though is Lucien’s reaction, at the time the boyfriend of the narrator, who says, “I can tell you one thing, all those movements, Chechnya, Basque Country, all the separatists, they’re finished. America and Europe will say you’re on your own now, and anything your government wants to do to you, we keep away, that’s all over.” History, alas, has proven him right. At the time, I had argued the opposite thinking that the smart Americans would equate their happiness with the greater freedoms in the world. Not just Bush, but Obama too have been the relentless purveyors of violence between the Turks and the Kurds. Although the narrator attests that the Kurdish separatist group, the PKK, made it to the list of terrorist organizations after that fateful day, she is only half right. The United States had already blacklisted the organization; the European Union took some lobbying. The White House needed Turkey in its effort to crush the noxious regime in Afghanistan. Ankara demurred. Nothing salivates the Turkish rulers more than the blood of the Kurds. The European Union’s classification of the Kurdish group as a terrorist group followed suit.

There is also a reference to Selim’s love life. He and a German girl called Dynasty hit it off well and Selim thinks reading her Ehmede Xani, the Shakespeare of the Kurds, may ingratiate him to her. Dynasty can’t really follow Xani’s lines, she is not as much into poetry, but she enjoys Selim’s company and plays along as if she does. They get together again and often, but Selim is uneasy. Fortune has hardly been kind to him and he is not sure if this time it will be any different. Reflecting on it, the narrator thinks aloud for him, saying, “… to think that he would be happy not only today, but tomorrow too, and next month too … that was asking for trouble. That was upsetting the natural order of things, in which Selim was always the loser. Surely, it could not last.”

It doesn’t with Dynasty; they go their separate ways. And after seven years, Selim ends up getting his permanent residency in Germany and divorces the narrator to end their union. The narrator is single again but can never part from her experience of Selim. She too is thoughtful. At another part of the book, she speaks her mind, but one could easily replace “mind” with experience. She says, “As children we didn’t yet understand what was happening in the world; as adults, we no longer cared. As teenagers, we still thought we could change the weather.” It is a damning statement. The narrator has lost her spunkiness and feistiness. Like Selim, she has become inured to the bad news. It is not the parting thought that I wanted from the book, but it was its most poignant passage. Perhaps it says something about a Europe that has lost faith in itself. If so, its Islamophobia may be a reaction to it, a theme I never got a chance to explore, which I hope you will do yourself with the purchase of the book.

In his victory speech to the party faithful on June 12, 2011, the prime minister of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was beside himself with joy. For the third time in nine years, his party had scored an impressive electoral victory. The BBC went so far as to call him, “the most successful leader in Turkey’s democratic history.” But the Turkish military, more relevant in the country than the English news organization, was getting ready for an endorsement of its own. Last week, four of its highest-ranking generals resigned together.

While that drama has yet to, fully, sort itself out, I had a head scratching moment in the course of the victory speech itself. Diyarbakir, the provincial capital of my hometown, was mentioned in a way that was new and news to me. The way the prime minister saw it, “Believe me, today, as much as Istanbul, Sarajevo has won; as much as Izmir, Beirut has won; as much as Ankara, Damascus has won; as much as Diyarbakir, Ramallah, Nablus, Jenin, West Bank, Jerusalem, Gaza has won. …”

I know Diyarbakir well. Gaza is in the news. Both places are unhappy about their situations. They also have their contrasts. Hardly anyone of note ever mentions the first. The second is subject of discussions at the ministerial levels. The people of Gaza speak Arabic with impunity; the people of Diyarbakir, unless they want to be hermits, are forced to speak Turkish. But that is not how the Turkish prime minister sees the situation. Diyarbakir he dismisses out of hand. Gaza he wants to grab with ten fingers. Should I make you privy to one of his recurring dreams? Gaza is a damsel in distress. And, hear, hear, he is her knight in shining armor.

The Prime Minister Erdogan’s dalliance with Gaza is odd if you are not familiar with his worldview. He operates in a realm of faith and sees the world in Manichean terms. Notwithstanding the ringing endorsement of the BBC, his understanding of democracy is circumstantial. If it can help him rein in his rumbustious military, he is all for it. Otherwise, he is consumed with things like Islam and late Ottomans. In Gaza and Sarajevo, he sees stepping-stones. In Damascus and Jerusalem, he wants to sell Turkish delight.

Filial love compels me to be charitable to him in spite of my reservations about his policies. Full disclosure: in the June 12 elections, in spite of my importunities, my mom voted for him because, in her words, “He has the fear of God in his heart.” My mom has a point; the Kurds had fared better in Ottoman theocracy than in Turkish democracy. But my generation of Kurds wants neither. If it were up to us, we would take our place right after South Sudan, as Kurdistan, as the newest free country in the world.

So what does one do with one’s square Kurds who are refusing to be round Turks in a world of absolute truths at a time of Arab spring? Will the Turkish dogs and Kurdish cats ever learn to live in one bag, oops, my mistake, one state? One doesn’t have to be a rocket scientist to know that those who speak for the Turks and the Kurds view each other as existential threats. Neither would shed a single tear for the other if either were to disappear from the face of the earth.

There was a time when the Kurds of Turkey felt strong and asked for total independence and Turks were considering federation. With the arrest of Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan the expectations have been lowered. When John McNaughton, a Pentagon official, spoke of America’s predicament in Vietnam, he was also speaking of the Kurdish quandary in Turkey. As Barbara W. Tuchman relates it, “aiming for victory could end in compromise but aiming for compromise could end only in defeat, because to reveal ‘a lowering of sights from victory to compromise … will give the DRV [North Vietnam] the smell of blood.’”

Yes, that cursed and addictive smell of blood. The Turkish prime minister smells it in Diyarbakir and wants a total victory over the Kurds. As to his boast that Gaza should find inspiration in his success in Diyarbakir, nothing so idiotic has ever been uttered on the topic. In the Kurdish province of Diyarbakir, a little bit less populated than Gaza, 411,232 voters voted for Labor, Freedom and Democracy bloc, a Kurdish umbrella group. For Prime Minister Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party, it was a little more than half of that: 230,213. But given the way election rules are stacked against the Kurds, Erdogan’s party was awarded initially five later six seats. The Kurds were left with five.

The dictators may be counting their days in the Middle East. But one imposter in Turkey is thinking in terms of thousand years. The party in Cairo has just started. The one on the Tigris in Diyarbakir, to paraphrase Arundhati Roy, on a quiet day, I hear its rumblings all the way from the city on the Potomac in Washington, DC.

Jean Sasson’s Love in a Torn Land, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2007, explores the hardships and terror that Iraqi Kurds faced under Saddam Hussein’s Baathist regime. The biographical story revolves around Joanna al-Askari Hussain, a young woman born of an Arab father and a Kurdish mother. Despite her upbringing in Baghdad, Joanna’s Kurdish roots and her love of Kurdish define her life’s course. From a young age, Joanna is determined to leave her family in Baghdad to become a loyal wife to a Peshmerga – a Kurdish freedom fighter. In her early twenties, her dream turns into reality; Joanna falls in love with a Peshmerga and abandons her life of comfort in Baghdad to live with him in the rugged mountains of Kurdistan, the battleground between the Iraqi government and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.

While Sasson’s writing explores the inner-workings of a young woman’s mind, it also details the political atmosphere of Iraq during the nine-year long Iran-Iraq war, and the role of Iraqi Kurds in this conflict. The tragedies that Joanna al-Askari witnessed are representative of what a majority of Iraqi Kurds faced during the Saddam era. Sasson chronicles the day-to-day social discrimination that Kurds faced, as well as the Baathists’ brutal political and military campaigns that intended to wipe out the Kurdish population. This book is a tribute to the personal sacrifices Kurds have made for the pursuit of their freedom. It will undoubtedly inspire awe and inspiration from readers of all ages.

SOLIDARITY VIGIL / PROTEST
for Imprisoned Kurdish Political Prisoners of Conscience

Contact: Kani Xulam
202.483.6444

Washington, DC (March 25, 2011) Right now, at this moment, a long-repressed people in a distant corner of the Middle East is standing up after years of unbearable suffering. This is a people whose language has been outlawed, subjected to all manners of cultural depredation and assimilation, attacked by chemical weapons, and violently displaced in the millions. This people’s demands for freedom and democracy have been met with torture, mass imprisonment, enforced disappearances, assassination, and every other conceivable human rights abuse.

We’re not talking about the popular revolts in the Middle East and North Africa — we’re talking about the Kurds, whose suffering under repressive regimes in Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq continues largely without notice even as the international press focuses on the uprisings in the Arab world.

We’re holding a vigil/protest in front of the Turkish Embassy on April 19 in order to denounce ongoing crimes against the Kurds everywhere and to focus attention on one particular human rights crisis: Turkey’s mass prosecution of 152 leading Kurdish politicians for ‘terrorism’ offenses. When the trial resumes in Diyarbakır on the same day, it will have been more than two years since Turkey began a wave of repression against members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party’s (BDP). According to Human Rights Watch, roughly 1,000 BDP members remain in pre-trial detention.

At the heart of the Turkish prosecution of the Kurds lies the desire of the Turkish government to deny the Kurdish population of Turkey the rights enshrined in Article 15, section 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states, “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.” The Kurdish defendants are in jail for wanting to remain Kurds. They have asked the Turkish Courts to allow them to defend themselves in Kurdish. The Turkish authorities have refused to honor their requests and continue to hold them in prison in spite of Ankara’s adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

At the vigil/protest, our lead banner will read, “Welcome to Kurdish Liberation Square! Turkey: Free Kurdish Politicians Now!” Our signs will say, “Let me say Freedom/Azadi in Kurdish! Let me say Innocent/Besuc in Kurdish! Kurds say Negotiations, Turkey says Prosecutions! Kurds say Equality, Turkey says Domination!” Participants are welcome and encouraged to bring their own signs so long as they are not demeaning and do not condone violence.

“We are very heartened with the rumblings of freedom that are putting an end to the rule of families owning countries in the Middle East. As the United States and its allies help the Libyans to free themselves from tyranny of Qaddafi, we urge the same forces to heed the domination of one race, the Turks, over the other, the Kurds, in Turkey. As Kurdish-Americans, we ask that the Obama administration appoint a special envoy to meet with the duly elected Kurdish representatives in Turkish Kurdistan. It will cost less than the operation over the skies of North Africa,” said Kani Xulam, the director of the American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN).

What: A Vigil/Protest for Imprisoned Kurdish Political Prisoners of Conscience

When: Tuesday, April 19, 2011 – 11:30 AM / 1:30 PM

Where: Turkish Embassy, 2525 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W Washington, D.C. 20008

Who: Kurds and their American Friends

Why: To shed light on the plight of imprisoned Kurdish Prisoners of Conscience

“I thank God that I was born a Greek and not a Barbarian, that I came to this world as a free person and not a slave, and that I was born a man and not a woman.”
–Plato

Last summer I was reading My People, The Story of the Jews by Abba Eban.  I wanted to see what the Israeli statesman would say about his people’s journey into statehood.  The fact that Henry Kissinger had spoken highly of him, saying that, of all his interlocutors, only Eban had reminded the American Secretary of State that English was not his mother tongue, had predisposed me to expect not just an instructive tale, but also an entertaining one.  Call me a snob if you will, but I like my meals not just for their nutritional value, but also for their taste.  Abba Eban, as Dr. Kissinger had observed, delivered on both counts.

But he also had a surprise for me:  In a chapter titled “The Jewish World Today,” he describes the Israeli version of E Pluribus Unum and states that, in modern Israel of 1960s (his book was published in 1968), one could easily run into “a Yemenite coppersmith, a Johannesburg doctor, a Polish professor, a Moroccan shopkeeper, an Argentinean student, a Kurdish porter, …” A Kurdish porter!  I could not believe my eyes.  I guess I should have counted my blessings that I was not reading Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy.  Imagine running into a sentence that said: the lowest ring of Hell is reserved for the Kurds!  Just like on our earth!!

Right around that time, as if I needed a jolt to rouse me from my melancholic state, I got an email from someone with a Kurdish sounding name asking me to review her book for the English speaking Kurds and their friends.  A Kurdish writer. …  It definitely sounded better than a Kurdish porter.  I wrote her back and requested a copy.  I left her with the impression that I would do my best to be a Kurdish reviewer … of her book.  I am sorry that it has taken me this long to get to it.  Far from making excuses, I am only going to tell you of a charming Jewish saying: “Man makes plans, God laughs!”

I have, it is official now, put a stop to God’s laughter at my expense for the time being.  I have finished Qasham Ali Balata’s book, Runaway To Nowhere.  It is, as far as I know, the first of its kind: a Kurdish novel in the language of Charles Dickens.  It is about love.  It is about war.  It is about the haplessness of the Kurdish woman.  It is about the cruelty of the Kurdish man.  It is about the brutality of Arabs.  It is about the fickleness of “Great Powers.”  It is about the dearth of virtue.  It is about the absence of honor.  And yes, it is also about the transience of freedom.

These are hefty subjects.  You are probably reading this on the run and I should, lest I lose you, start off with some levity perhaps.  Here are a few nuggets that should bring smiles to your face as they did to mine!  I bet you had no idea that Kurdish mothers pick daughters for their sons at funeral wakes!  I didn’t and I spent close to twenty years of my life in Kurdistan.  They do so, one character tells us in the book, to avoid an ugly bride, for in Kurdish weddings, the Kurdish maidens put on a lot of make up.

Here is another tidbit that should bring a grin to the face of every American woman who may be reading this review.  If you date a Kurdish man, he will never let you pay for your meals!  Full disclosure: I did so for at least five years when I embraced the cold of exile in Canada.  But don’t turn my lapse into a characteristic of the Kurds; the book is a better authority on the topic.  If you are a western woman suffering from the effects of the distressed economy but would love to indulge yourself, don’t wait for the proverbial prince on a white horse: say yes to your Kurdish colleague who has been asking you out.  And here, you can take my word for it, in Kurdish, we don’t have the words for “date rape.”  It is a habit we can do without to feel “up to date!”

While that thought may be reassuring to the womenfolk, please don’t jump to the conclusion that you should envy the lot of the Kurdish woman.  God forbid, if a Kurdish husband ever becomes rich!  Here is an observation from a character in the novel: “When a Kurd gets rich, he either kills somebody or gets a second wife.”  This is no idle talk.  It makes you want to pray for the Kurds that they will never become rich lest they become criminals or polygamists.  But it looks like your prayers are not necessary.  The Arabs, the Turks and the Persians are in charge of the Kurdish economy.  The Middle East is enjoying its peace.

I have so far dangled some baubles before your eyes, and would like to, now, tell you about the novel itself.  It is a war drama.  It starts off in a place called Mosul.  For those of you who don’t know of the place, it is a dusty city on the banks of Tigris.  But for the narrator, a Kurdish woman, who attends its university, it comes close to being idyllic.  Initially, you are thrown off by the incongruence of the comparison, but soon you realize that even Nome, Alaska would have qualified for the same description.  The reason: it is away from home.  Dear reader: if you are a Kurdish father or mother, please consider doing me a favor.  Send your offspring to Siberia for college.  If my request means nothing to you, remember the old saying, “Distance makes the heart grow fonder, and familiarity breeds contempt.”

At the university itself, five female students share a room.  Four are Kurds; one is an Arab.  The Kurds are from Dohuk and the Arab is from Basra.  They cook for each other and care for one another.  Yes, they do talk about the boys, but no, they never get drunk or face sexile to accommodate frat boys.  Handholding is the extent of their intimacy.  Daydreaming or night dreaming does the rest for them.  Although a war is looming in the horizon, don’t expect any talk about sports from these young women.  I also didn’t see any references to professors that rock their world.  Even their imagination, you can’t help but notice, is stunted.

The war does come.  The students disperse to their respective cities.  Saddam Hussein is dislodged from Kuwait in less than 100 hours.  President Bush feels invincible.  Thinking that his nod is enough to topple a dictator, he urges the peoples of Iraq to show a pink slip to the Butcher of Baghdad.  The Shiites in the South and the Kurds in the North do exactly that  –  mistaking the American president’s statement as a form of support.  They pay sorely for it.  The Shiites are slaughtered.  The Kurds take to their only “friends,” the mountains.  Nareen, the narrator, becomes the reluctant chronicler of this mass exodus.  In wars, Macaulay once observed, people live fast lives.  Nareen’s account bears witness to it.

Unlike the Red Sea that parts to accommodate another emergency for another people, the Kurdish mountains remain impervious to the larger drama of its children. In the words of one character, they devour especially “children under three years old and [the] elderly.”  Cold wears the robes of the angel of death.  Hunger and thirst aid and abet and thousands are lowered into shallow makeshift graves.  You can’t help but remember your Thomas Hobbes from college.  Life, as the English philosopher once so memorably put it, is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” in the spring of 1991 in what is today known as Iraqi Kurdistan.

Do you want examples?  Omed, a little boy of three or four years old, is abandoned by his parents.  If you are a parent, you want to say NO, no such thing could ever happen to my relatives, much less to my own child.  Count your blessings.  Pray to God that war has not knocked on your door for a visit.  There is also an irony in the story: the boy’s name means “hope” in Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic and Persian.  Although forsaken by God, Omed survives  –  miraculously one should add  —  and reunites with his family.  It is not something that you expect given the circumstances.  If he were real and I were him, I would have changed my name to Omed X.  Nothing less would have expressed my anger.

In the novel, Nareen makes a reference to Love in the Time of Cholera by Gabriel García Márquez.  Since I have not read the novel, I couldn’t place it in the context of the unfolding Kurdish drama.  Is it that love conquers it all?  The most moving part of the Kurdish novel comes, not when Karwan, Nareen’s boyfriend, writes her love letters, but when the Kurdish Peshmerga forces liberate Kurdistan, if only for a short while.  Can it be that liberation and love are one and the same?  It reminded me of a passage in Christopher Hitchens’ autobiography, Hitch – 22: “I am sorry for those who have never had the experience of seeing the victory of a national liberation movement, and I feel cold contempt for those who jeer at it.”

Since I have told you of the most moving part of the book, I should also tell you of its most revolting passage.  It belongs to two Kurdish girls, Meyan and Berivan, who are exchanged to marry each other’s fathers.  Both are in their teens.  Neither one is consulted.  Meyan marries Berivan’s father, who has six kids.  Berivan marries Meyan’s father, who has seven.  If you don’t think this is gross, Meyan is in love with Ari, a friend and a relative.  She tells Nareen, “Any time [my husband] touches me … I get sick and throw up.”

Considering that I want you to be a potential reader of this book, (yes, think of yourself as “an American reader” … if you will), honesty compels me to share with you a few other morsels about it.  If you have ever wanted to know how to make Dolmas, one of the most popular dishes of the Kurdish cuisine, you are in luck  –  Nareen tells you how to do it.

Remember, I told you how President Bush had urged the Kurds to put the Butcher of Baghdad out of work and then gone AWOL.  I was expecting Nareen to pull off a Malcolm X when she encountered her first American in flesh and blood.  Nothing of the sort happens.  If there were a Richter scale for anger, there were no tremors.  Even in fiction, the Kurdish woman is incapable of rage.  Is this normal?  Has fear erased anger from the psychology of the Kurds?  I think it behooves us Kurds to look into this.

I will end with a wish from Nareen.  It is part of her conversation with Emily, her sole American friend, a photojournalist who has joined her ranks to chronicle the story of the Kurds.  I wish, she says, that we had “a united Kurdish state  –  a wish that will continue to live in my heart and the hearts of millions of Kurds across the globe.  And personally, I wish to find Karwan soon and get married and have four children.”

There isn’t anything anyone could do for the second part of Nareen’s wish, for her Karwan becomes a martyr in the cause of Kurdistan.  But we could perhaps help Nareen with the purchase of this book since she glorifies the emancipation of the Kurds.  Oh, one last thing: I have nothing against the porters.  Work is sacred so long as it serves a useful purpose.  What I am against is the expectation or classification that all Kurds should accept life as such.  Nareen doesn’t think so; we shouldn’t either.