In early March [1996], the American Turkish Council held its annual conference in Washington D.C. to reaffirm and celebrate the strong and mutually supportive relationship shared by the US and Turkey, a key American ally in a region of strategic importance. The three-day conference featured House Speaker Newt Gingrich, who delivered the keynote address, as well as several other prominent US representatives from Congress, the Commerce Department and the Pentagon. Effusive with praise, Gingrich held up Turkey as a model for other modernizing nations: "I know that all of us, who cherish and care for the rule of law, and a civilized decent future for all citizens in the world, owe a great deal to Turkey..." The Speaker neglected to mention Turkey's brutal repression of its Kurdish minority and systematic violation of international human rights laws -- an omission all too common when US officials seek to nurture close bonds with Ankara. Since 1984, Turkish armed forces have bombed, burned and depopulated more than 2,200 Kurdish villages, part of a campaign to root out suspected civilian sympathizers of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a militant Kurdish opposition group. Throughout 1995, Human Rights Watch reports, "free expression was still punished with arrests and imprisonment, torture was still employed as a routine instrument of police investigation... and there were continued reports of disappearances." Over the last several weeks, Ankara exposed in an unusually stark and disgraceful manner how it works to silence critics of its abysmal human rights policies. To the consternation of human rights organizations throughout the world, Turkey has targeted the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, a prestigious organization which documents and administers treatment to victims of torture in Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir and Adana. The Foundation, which tracks both Turkish government and PKK violations of human rights, is widely cited by places like the US State Department and Human Rights Watch because of its reliable information. It receives international funding from the UN Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture, European Union, Amnesty International and the Swedish Red Cross. On May 10, Turkish authorities brought a physician and an attorney at the Foundation's Adana branch office to trial for refusing to hand over confidential information pertaining to their clients --including names, addresses, and dates of treatment. The vast majority of these clients were tortured while under the custody of Turkish authorities. Most went to the Foundation only because they trusted their anonymity would be preserved. As Dr. Inge Genefke of the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims in Denmark explained during a recent Congressional hearing on this issue: "Our principle is to protect our clients... [W]e work under the strictest professional secrecy, which is a universal and basic condition for all medical treatment. Furthermore, in a country like Turkey...the state is behind the execution of torture." Indeed, Turkey's Minister of Justice, Mehmet Agar, was formerly head of the National Police, an agency that consistently practices torture. Both the United Nations and the European Council Committee for the Prevention of Torture have documented torture performed while Agar was chief of police. Today, the US State Department confirms that government-sanctioned abuses continue, involving high-pressure cold water hoses, electric shocks, beating of the genitalia, hanging by the arms, vaginal and anal rape, use of truncheons and sleep deprivation. Earlier incidents of Foundation harassment signal a blatant attempt by the government to undermine the organization's work. Since 1994, various people associated with the Foundation have been prosecuted for issuing reports addressing the human rights situation in Turkey. On May 9, nine members of the Foundation and an attorney were brought to trial for "insulting the laws of the Turkish Republic" after they printed a critical article by a prominent legal scholar. The nine were acquitted, but prosecution in the Adana case continues. Recently, a spokesman for the Turkish Foreign Ministry --the agency that masterminded the most recent wave of prosecutions -- proclaimed the Foundation's torture treatment facilities illegal: "I can say that there is no official application of the Foundation for the establishment of such centers. Therefore so-called rehabilitation and treatment centers are not legal." Not long before this statement, Turkish police arrested Dr. Seyfettin Kizilkan, who heads the Medical Council for Turkey's five Kurdish provinces. Although he was arrested allegedly for "illegal possession of arms and grenades," there is widespread speculation that Turkish authorities are trying to intimidate medical doctors who witness, treat and care for the victims of Turkey's brutal civil war. It is most ironic that Ankara has charged a Foundation doctor and attorney with negligence in reporting acts of torture, when in point of fact authorities regularly use medical examinations of detainees to cover-up evidence of torture. Dr. Vincent Iacopino of Physicians for Human Rights will soon issue a report finding that doctors who perform medical exams under the watchful eye of Turkish security forces rarely record evidence of torture for fear of reprisal. Dr. Iacopino explains, "It's a way that the State can use doctors both to destroy the evidence, and also to sanction the government's practice of torture." While American politicians sing Turkey's praises, Ankara's military crackdown on the PKK intensifies. High levels of US military assistance ($5.3 billion over the last decade) and weaponry (amounting to 80% of Turkey's arms imports) enable this devastating war to continue. Last year, the State Department acknowledged that Turkey uses US weaponry --including Lockheed Martin F-16 fighters, and Sikorsky Black Hawk and Textron Bell helicopters-- to commit human rights abuses and decimate Kurdish villages. It is no accident that the American Turkish Council conference in Washington was sponsored largely by US weapons manufacturers, including the three cited above. Stopping military assistance would send a strong signal to Turkey that the US no longer supports a military solution to the Kurdish conflict. Until Turkey allows its Kurdish minority and the rest of its citizens and civic organizations to enjoy full human rights and freedom of speech, praise for Ankara is dangerously premature. --Jennifer Washburn is a research associate at the World Policy Institute at the New School in New York City, and a freelance journalist.
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