No Way To Treat An Ally
Jim Hoagland
Thursday, October 10 1996
The Washington Post
For nearly 50 years, the United States promoted
stability in Turkey as an overriding American
foreign policy goal. The Truman Doctrine, which
set America's containment strategy in the Cold
War, was forged out of concern over turmoil in
Turkey and Greece.
No more. Today stability is the last thing the
Clinton administration wants for Turkey's
government. Official Washington eagerly waits for
Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan's coalition
regime to crash and burn. A looming economic
crisis for Turkey now raises hopes in Washington
that the Islamic fundamentalists will soon fall.
The reasons for the administration's quick
turnaround on Turkey are not hard to understand
and applaud. Erbakan has been in Libya this week,
breaking U.N. sanctions on travel to that rogue
nation and signing a trade pact with Col. Moammar
Gadhafi. In August, Erbakan with great fanfare
visited Iran, also on the State Department's
list.
Erbakan -- who also says that no one in his
government has a quarrel with Iraq's Saddam
Hussein -- would realign Turkey with America's
enemies abroad. He seeks ideological and
financial support from them to entrench his
Islam-based Welfare Party and counter the Western
orientation of Turkey's powerful military and its
weak secular parties.
But the unspoken Clinton policy of waiting for
Erbakan to self-destruct is a policy of last
resort. It is an indictment of the
administration's mishandling of an important ally
in a region that will demand priority attention
from the winner of November's presidential
election.
Bob Dole struck a glancing blow at Clinton's
failing policy on the Central Asian-Middle East
crossroads by noting in Sunday's debate that
Saddam Hussein is better off today than he was
four years ago. But Dole failed to follow up and
point out that neighboring Turkey is an American
ally that is in measurably worse shape than it
was in 1992.
That is largely because of choices the Turks
themselves have made. Erbakan's party won 21
percent of the vote in March and formed a
coalition government in June. Years of human
rights abuses against the population at large and
a vengeful military campaign against the Kurds of
eastern Turkey and northern Iraq had already
undermined the economy and the authority of the
Ankara government.
But an inconsistent, at times neglectful, U.S.
approach has contributed to Turkey's suddenly
becoming a factor of instability in the region.
Turkey has been treated to a feast of overblown
U.S. rhetorical support that reinforced Ankara's
sense of self-importance, and a famine of
material and political aid for its mounting
problems. The U.S. approach has combined the
worst of this administration's tendency to
overpromise, cease to pay attention and then walk
away from tough problems.
Only two years ago senior U.S. officials
characterized Turkey as the world's new
"front-line state." Its position bordering on the
conflicts of the Balkans, Central Asia and the
Middle East made it the post-Cold War equivalent
of West Germany in American foreign policy, the
State Department's senior officials said.
As a matter of policy, the United States refused
to criticize the Turks for hammering the Kurds.
Treasury Department officials who sought to
impress on Ankara the risks of its highly
inflationary, deficit-producing stop-and-go
economic policies were shushed with reminders
from the State and Defense departments of
Turkey's strategic importance.
But Washington failed to follow through with
meaningful acts. The Turks complained bitterly
that they had to sacrifice $27 billion over five
years because of economic sanctions against Iraq
without receiving compensation. Ankara's requests
to buy 10 Cobra helicopter gunships and three
antiquated frigates from Washington have been
held up in Congress by pressures from the Greek
lobby and human rights organizations. The vacuum
that U.S. policy created in northern Iraq allowed
Kurdish guerrillas to operate against Turkey.
U.S. economic aid sank in five years from $120
million a year to a quarter that level.
Performance failed to match promises. Turkey came
to understand that beyond the Cold War there were
no front-line states. When Saddam retook control
of the Kurdish homeland in northern Iraq last
month, Erbakan, the Turkish military and Foreign
Minister Tansu Ciller knew they had little to
gain, or to lose, from Washington. So they
refused to oppose in word or deed Saddam's
defiance of America.
Washington is probably right: Erbakan will dig
his own grave. In Libya, Gadhafi publicly
criticized the Turks for their inhumane Kurdish
policy (more than Bill Clinton has ever said on
the subject) and provoked a furor in Turkey. But
this is policy and leadership by default and an
invitation to even greater trouble ahead.
Tel: (202) 483-6444
Fax: (202) 483-6476
E-mail: akin@kurdish.org
Home Page: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~akin