In Turkey, Links Between Police,
Politicians and Criminals
By STEPHEN KINZER
December 31, 1996
[I] STANBUL, Turkey -- As a lurid political scandal
continues to unfold in Turkey, President Suleyman
Demirel has denied that the current government uses
death squads against its enemies and appealed for
patience and restraint in the face of new disclosures.
"I categorically reject the assumption or the claim that
the state is in collaboration with gangs," Demirel said
at a year-end news conference over the weekend. "Whoever
used gangs instead of the legitimate state apparatus in
carrying out certain tasks, that person committed a
crime."
"No one can cover up Susurluk," the president promised
an increasingly cynical public. Susurluk is an Anatolian
town that has become a generic noun referring to the
spreading scandal, in which high officials are accused
of having used criminal gangs over the last decade to
attack personal enemies or groups that opposed the
government.
Near Susurluk, a Nov. 3 car crash killed a senior police
official and a leading crime boss who is said to have
committed political killings on behalf of past
governments. The two were riding together in a
Mercedes-Benz when it crashed into a slow-moving truck.
Questions about what they were doing together have led
to charges that recent governments were linked to crimes
that include killings, extortion and multimillion-dollar
heroin deals.
Every new revelation about "Susurluk" seems to whet the
public's appetite for more. But because some of the
country's most prominent politicians are implicated, the
government is nervously trying to contain the
investigation.
"Turkey is facing the greatest crisis of its 73 years as
a republic," a former prime minister, Bulent Ecevit,
said during a debate about the scandal in Parliament.
As a result of investigations carried out since the
crash, it has become clear that over the last two
decades, some elements of the Turkish security apparatus
developed a relationship with criminals, with official
sanction. The criminals were reportedly assigned to
perform killings and to carry out other attacks or what
were seen as counterterrorist operations.
Many Turks seem to accept the idea that their government
might behave this way at moments of crisis, like the
late 1970s, when terrorist gangs killed thousands of
people in a struggle for political influence and the
country was drifting toward chaos. But evidence suggests
that at some time in the last five years, the criminal
gangs began to work as enforcers for private interests
tied to members of the political elite.
Even in the land whose political structures gave rise to
the term "byzantine," untangling these ties is proving a
daunting challenge.
Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan insists that he will
get to the bottom of the scandal, but to do so he would
have to risk the collapse of his government. His
coalition partner, Foreign Minister Tansu Ciller, was
prime minister from 1993 until the beginning of this
year, a period during which pro-government death squads
were reportedly vigorously active, and she is the
subject of many accusations.
Demirel called the leaders of major political parties to
his residence last week for a "summit conference" to
decide how the scandal should be investigated. The
assembled leaders, who have been bitterly accusing one
other of involvement in the scandal or coverup, were
unable to agree on anything except to issue a statement
asserting, "Trust placed in the democratic system should
be preserved."
Parliament has established a commission to probe the
Susurluk scandal, but because the commission members
come from parties whose leaders may themselves be
implicated, some Turks are skeptical. Still, every
witness makes headlines.
On Thursday, a federal police official told the
commission he knew of a case in which a police informer
who had provided evidence against gangs was detained by
the police and turned over to Abdullah Catli, who died
in the Susurluk crash and whom he described as a leading
crime boss. The informer was never seen again.
Catli was reportedly a link in the chain that is said to
have connected the government to gangsters. Partly
because of his background as a heroin smuggler, some of
those investigating the scandal believe that rivalry for
control of the heroin trade became a factor in
government corruption.
This month, a 21-year-old woman was detained at the
Istanbul airport while trying to bring $300,000 in
foreign currency into the country. She reportedly told
the police that the money was being laundered for heroin
smugglers, and that they had arranged for her to carry
suitcases of cash into Turkey more than 50 times without
interference.
Copyright 1996 The New York Times Company
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