Turkish Scandal Exposes Links Between Crime, State
Officials
By Kelly Couturier
Special to The Washington Post
Wednesday, January 1 1997; Page A21
© The Washington Post
ANKARA, Turkey -- A corruption scandal has been
rocking Turkey for the past two months, exposing
links between organized crime and government
officials and forcing the resignation of the
interior minister as well as the ouster of
Istanbul's police chief and a handful of other
security officers.
Daily front-page stories based on information
emerging from intelligence and police investigations
and disseminated by opposition politicians have
implicated other government officials in the
widening scandal -- including Tansu Ciller, who is
both foreign minister and deputy prime minister in
the conservative, Islamic party-led coalition
government, and her husband, Ozer Ciller. Tansu
Ciller has denied any wrongdoing.
At the heart of the furor are accusations that a
network of criminal gangs has infiltrated Turkey's
parliament, security forces and police apparatus.
The gangs, in return for helping rid government
officials of enemies, have been allowed to grow rich
through extortion, gambling, money laundering and
heroin trafficking, according to the accusations.
The crash of an armored Mercedes into a truck near
the southwestern town of Susurluk on a cold night in
November, which killed three of the four passengers
in the car, provided the clearest indication yet
that such clandestine connections could exist.
What began as a routine police investigation into
the accident showed that the Mercedes' passengers
included an ultranationalist fugitive, a top police
official, a member of parliament and the fugitive's
girlfriend, a former beauty contest winner. The
legislator was the only survivor.
The fugitive killed in the accident, Abdullah Catli,
has been wanted by the international law enforcement
agency Interpol since he escaped in 1990 from a
Swiss prison, where he was serving a sentence for
heroin trafficking. Catli was suspected of
involvement in a number of killings in Turkey,
including those of seven leftist students, and of
having helped Mehmet Ali Agca escape from prison in
Istanbul in 1979. Two years later, Agca shot Pope
John Paul II in an assassination attempt in Rome.
In testimony last week before the parliamentary
commission investigating the current scandal, a top
intelligence official acknowledged that Turkey's
intelligence agency had used Catli for "operations
carried out in foreign countries," according to the
newspaper Hurriyet. The official, Mehmet Eymur, said
Catli was employed by the National Intelligence
Organization following the 1980 military coup in
Turkey.
"We used Catli after the 1980 coup even though we
knew this was wrong," Eymur was quoted by Hurriyet
as saying. "But we gave up after a while because of
a rumor that he had joined a narcotics ring."
Eymur said that Catli, who held a Turkish diplomatic
passport as well as a gun license bearing the
signature of Mehmet Agar, the interior minister who
resigned, had also worked for the national security
police agency.
According to press accounts, Turkish officials
employed criminals such as Catli to battle leftist
extremists and terrorists allied with Armenian
separatists in the 1970s and 1980s, and more
recently to help in the government's battle against
Kurdish separatist guerrillas of the Kurdish
Workers' Party (PKK), which has been fighting for 12
years to establish a Kurdish homeland in
southeastern Turkey.
The legislator who survived the Susurluk crash,
Sedat Bucak, is also involved in the government's
anti-PKK effort. Bucak, a member of Ciller's True
Path Party, is the leader of a clan that is
receiving millions of dollars from the government to
provide village guards to fight the PKK in the
southeastern provinces.
Opposition politicians and newspaper editorials have
criticized the government's policy of using Kurdish
clans, many of whom are suspected of being involved
in the thriving heroin trafficking in the region, in
its battle with the PKK.
"In the fight against [PKK] terrorism, the duties
which the state itself should fulfill have been
handed over to village guards who are part of the
clans and landlord system in the southeast," wrote
Cengiz Candar, a columnist with the mass-circulation
newspaper Sabah.
"The result is that we discern the existence of a
highly complicated, illegal and dirty network of
drug trafficking extending from the village guards
-- who have been placed under the protective wing of
the state -- to the security units who are in
contact with them and inevitably to the
politicians," Candar wrote.
Huseyin Kocadag, the police official killed in the
Susurluk crash, also had links to the government's
campaign against the PKK, having commanded special
anti-guerrilla teams at one point. Gonca Us, the
third person killed in the crash, reportedly was
Catli's girlfriend.
Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan, who critics say
has been reluctant to take action in the Susurluk
scandal because of the accusations concerning his
coalition partner, Ciller, said at a meeting of
party leaders called by President Suleyman Demirel
last month that the investigations of links between
criminals and the state "should definitely be
deepened and widened."
Erbakan was quoted as saying he was shocked by
intelligence reports that implicated 58 people,
including public officials, in organized crime. "We
are now being confronted with incidents we never
even imagined," he said. "At this stage we see that
all these should be investigated to get to the
bottom" of the scandal.
Demirel, meeting with party leaders, reiterated his
call for a thorough investigation but cautioned
against tarnishing the reputation of state
institutions. That led some political observers to
speculate that he will limit the probe.
Opposition politicians have clamored, along with the
press, for an intensive investigation into any
government links to criminals.
Mesut Yilmaz, leader of the opposition center-right
Motherland Party, who makes no secret of his enmity
for political rival Ciller, has given the
parliamentary commission documentation he said
proves links between the state and criminals.
Yilmaz, who has called for establishment of an
investigation committee with special powers, has
indirectly accused Ciller, a former prime minister,
of involvement in the scandal. Moreover, an
intelligence report published in the press accused
Ciller and Agar of setting up their own illegal
"gang within the state."
Ciller has denied the allegations but raised
eyebrows by publicly praising Catli, saying, "Those
who fire shots for the state are, for us, as
respectable as those who get shot for it."
As members of parliament, Ciller, Agar and Bucak
have immunity from prosecution, a situation that has
hampered the investigations so far, critics say.
Before a judicial body may investigate lawmakers,
parliament must strip them of their immunity.
Such a move against Ciller appears unlikely now,
given her party's strategic place in the governing
coalition. Erbakan, analysts say, will support her
as long as she helps to keep him and his Welfare
Party in power.
However, with reports that 14 members of parliament
are planning to desert Ciller's party and challenge
the coalition, the political aftershocks of the
Susurluk accident appear to be far from over.
@CAPTION: Prime Minister Erbakan now is being urged
to take action against Deputy Prime Minister Ciller.
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