Of Kurds and Avian
Flu and More ...
World Affairs
Councils of America National Conference
Washington, DC
Kani Xulam
February 3, 2007
(A shortened version of this statement was also delivered
at the first Kurdish American Youth Organization (KAYO) conference at
Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee on February 10, 2007)
If I -- like the participants of this
conference -- were a member of a World Affairs
Council (WAC) and attended a workshop titled, "The Kurdish Dilemma"
and found out that the speaker was a Kurdish activist, I would have, if I were
you, been curious about what he thought of the hanging of Saddam Hussein on
December 30, 2006. Wouldn't
you? Since my friend Barbara
Propes, President of World Affairs Councils of America, has seen fit that yours
truly be that speaker for this talk, I will indulge you with my answer, but, if
you don't mind, not until I am done with my presentation. In the twenty minutes that I have
between now and then, I would like to take you on a quick tour of a desolated
part of Kurdistan, which is presently occupied and misruled by Turkey, a
country that styles itself a democracy and has plenty of misguided friends the
world over, including a few, I suspect, at this national gathering, who
ardently and blindly promote the lie and shamelessly and inexplicably wear the
titles of statesmen or mandarins or
-- get ready for a shocker
here -- lovers of humanity, and all, through and through, misnomers,
if ever there were any.
These no friends of humanity, or Kurdish liberty if you
are concerned about the purity of the English language, as I am, especially
when I get a chance to read the likes of Chaucer or Milton or Dickens, are at
best like whacky doctors who add to the misery of the world rather than eradicate
it. They use not brutal facts or
the reflections of sages, but fantasies of their delusional minds and want us
to trust them the way babies trust their mothers. In this country, they occupy high places in all kinds of
positions, span both parties, represent both sexes, and engage in absurdities
like there is, surprise, surprise, a "freedom deficit" in the Middle
East and, in the same breath, tell the Kurds to submit to the yoke of Arabs in
Iraq, Turks in Turkey, Persians in Iran and Asad in Syria. Should I make you privy to a few
specimens of this strange breed?
George W. Bush. Lee
Hamilton. James A. Baker,
III. Condoleezza Rice. And, yes, even that one time president
wannabe Howard Dean. With these
captains at the helm of your ship of state, the Middle East will not, and let
me underscore the word not, make any advances towards freedom -- that is, of course, if we mistakenly assume that the West
alone can free the Middle East.
A cursory look at the recent history of the region makes
it abundantly clear that, at least for those who have eyes that see, ears that
hear, and hearts that feel, the West, while holding onto one of the most
precious blessings of humanity, liberty, has done more to deny it to the
children of the Middle East than help them gain it. "What Went Wrong?" is the title of a book about
the Middle East by Bernard Lewis, a confidante of Vice President Dick Cheney,
but it could also be the subject of my presentation this morning. The sage of Princeton, to his eternal
credit, predicted the implosions that are sweeping the region, but
unfortunately, absolves the role of the Occident in their proliferations. God knows, and Mr. Lewis is quick to
point out as well, we have had an abundant crop in dictators, -- no place in the world can compete with us in despots, -- from his favorite Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to the bloodthirsty
butcher of Baghdad Saddam Hussein, but both, and a slew of nobodies in between,
have had longer and better relations with the West than all their dissidents,
including this scribe, put together.
Why is that? While I am at
it, let me also poke at the thousands of peace activists who descended on the
National Mall in Washington, DC last week. Notwithstanding their heartfelt humanity that genuinely
stirred me, I can't help but ask them, and forgive me for using you as a
conduit, where was their righteous indignation when thousands of Kurds were
gassed in broad daylight and the body parts of some of the hapless Kurds or
Shiites were served as food to the pet lions of Uday Hussein? I don't know how to put this for you
but to state it the way it is and that is that I see a profound disconnect
between the level of complaint that is out there in the media and the level of
misery that is out there in the world.
Make no mistake about it; this dysfunctional human family of ours is in
dire need of therapy. In my work,
as a Kurdish activist, I used to worry just about the Kurds; but these days, I
have added you to my list. In the
remaining time that I have, I would like to dwell on this dichotomy of our
times with two stories from Turkish Kurdistan. And if I don't do a good job of it, please feel free to
badger me with your questions afterwards.
The first story belongs to the Kocyigit family and their
three kids, Fatma, Mehmet Ali and Hulya.
About a year and a month ago, no one, outside of their little town,
Bazid, had heard of them. On
January 1, 2006, a tragedy struck their home without any warning. Fourteen-year-old Mehmet Ali died of
mysterious symptoms. His death
certificate noted a severe case of pneumonia. Then Fatma and Hulya followed suit. A panic spread over the tight
community. People began wondering
if a deadly virus had lodged itself in their midst. When word got out that the family had consumed one of their
sick ducks for lunch, the alarm bells were sounded all the way in Geneva,
Switzerland, at the headquarters of the World Health Organization (WHO). Could it be that the avian flu, which
had killed scores of people in Southeast Asia, had now relocated itself to
Turkish Kurdistan? The initial
reaction of the Turkish officials was that H5N1, the scientific name for the
strain of flu, had nothing to do with their country. A local effort to cull and destroy all the fowl had the
opposite effect. Kurds rushed to
consume their domesticated birds rather than surrender them to the
authorities. Within days, a
delegation of the World Health Organization made it to the isolated town to
rein in the situation. What
looked, at first sight, like a simple health crisis, analyzed more closely,
revealed a gaping hole in the faˆßade known as the Turkish government! Those in the know couldn't help but
notice that their intervention was like rushing food to the starving Jews of
concentration camps in Europe, or Darfuris in Sudan, and "thanking"
the governments that had no use or the worst of intentions for the affected
populations.
I was in Washington, DC, when the reports of Mehmet Ali
and his sisters appeared first in the wire reports and then on the television
screens and newspapers. As someone
who follows Turkey closely, I have learned to withhold judgment on the news
emanating from that forsaken country, be it good or bad, for a while at
least. It takes a trained sharp
eye and a lot of practice to find truth among the pile of verbose declarations,
bitter denunciations or outright denials that are the standard stock of the
Turkish officials and are in turn repeated in the country's journals pretty
much verbatim. And if the news has
anything to do with the Kurds, it is better not to believe it at all, but if
you have to make heads or tails of it, follow a simple rule of thumb: believe
the opposite. Never in the history
of modern times has a country so thoroughly adopted the diction of George
Orwell's scary book, 1984, as Turkey has, and, here is what makes my job one of
the most mournful in the world, without a mutter or a murmur from the
international community. Going
back to our story, I knew something serious was afoot when the initial Turkish
denials began to reflect the findings of the World Health Organization. In no time, in addition to the staff of
the World Health Organization, scores of reporters descended on the stricken
town and came face to face with a profound "Eureka" moment. The Kurds were not as alarmed as their
visitors. For one thing, they were
more afraid of the Turkish government than their chickens. There was also a "Eureka"
moment for the Kurds. The
outsiders, with their expensive camera recorders, cared more about what the
infected Kurdish chicken might do to the world and not at all what the world
could do for the terrorized Kurds in the occupied Kurdistan. The first, the chickens, had the
potential to kill the White people, the preferred race; the second, the Kurds,
could only wallow in their misery, just like Darfuris in Sudan, and it would be
business as usual in Washington, London, Paris, Berlin and Moscow.
Thirteen months have passed since that fateful day in
which the first of four Kurdish children died and scores of others were
hospitalized. Considering the
ongoing ban on the Kurdish language in the public buildings throughout Turkey,
I sometimes wonder, how did Mrs. Kocyigit, the mother of three Kurdish teens,
seek help from the Turkish-only speaking doctors who staffed her local
hospital? Did she feel like a cow
with her three calves, with an indecipherable tongue as one high-ranking
Turkish official called her language once back in 1991, visiting a veterinarian
who was barred by law to decipher it?
If you think this is like criminalizing an entire people, it is, and let
me elaborate on it a bit with two tidbits from Bazid, the stricken Kurdish
town, to underscore my point. A
Canadian reporter, Caleb Lauer, visited the region one year after the
event. He met with the families of
the dead children and interviewed some of the grief-stricken residents. But he also checked his emails from
time to time in the local Internet cafˆ© and one day got the urge to visit a
Kurdish website in the English language.
Do you know what he found on his monitor in a country that is on tenure
track to join the European Union?
"This site is listed as forbidden and has been blocked." He then visited the mayor of the town,
Mukaddes Kubilay. Turkish
Kurdistan is an "open-air prison", she confided in me, he
writes. She also told him of her
attempt to name a traffic island after a Kurdish poet, Ehmede Xani, the last
name spelled with letters, X, A, N, I.
But because the letter X doesn't exist in the Turkish alphabet, and the
Kurdish one is banned by law, yes, there are banned letters of an alphabet in
this European wannabe country, -- hello Hitler, your dream of an
intolerant Europe is finally becoming a reality these days, -- the Turkish authorities forced her to use the letter H
instead. And yes, the Kurdish bard
who wrote freely in Kurdish when Ottomans were calling the shots some three
hundred years ago is now forced to speak Turkish, through translations if you
will, with his kith and kin. I
guess you should count your blessings and thank the Austrians for stopping the
fathers of present day Turks from taking over Europe. Had they succeeded, in addition to reading Goethe, Moliere
and Shakespeare in Turkish today,
you would have had to say goodbye not only to the notorious letter, X, but also
its wicked sisters, Q, and W, which do not exist in the Turkish alphabet.
My second story is a bit dated if you think yesterday's
newspaper is old news. But I am a
student of history and subscribe to the maxim of Nathaniel Hawthorne that,
"Our past is a rough draft of our present and of our future." At the heart of my story lies the fate
of a university student. Murat
Aslan was his name. Kurdish was
his mother tongue, but he also spoke Turkish. A native of Amed, my hometown, he lived with his
parents. On June 10, 1994, he was
tasked with the payment of an electric bill in person. It was the last time people saw him
alive. At the time, some people
furtively approached his parents and told them that they saw him being forced
into a white car against his will.
Izzettin Aslan, Murat's father, went to the Turkish occupation forces
for help. It was like asking a
blind person for directions. None
were offered. But what happened to
Murat haunted the family. Every
single one of them would have been happy if there had been some telltale signs
of deliberate absence from home.
None existed. Who were the
kidnappers? What did they want
from him? People who knew Murat
spoke of his love for life, his interest in politics, and his good looks that
were the talk of all the ladies in the neighborhood. But the times were not a happy one for the Kurds. Turkey had a Yale educated female Prime
Minister, Tansu Ciller, who often spoke of fire and brimstone. The Kurds, and especially the political
ones, were the object of her deadly animus. Could it be that she was partly responsible for his
death? The answer came ten years
later. It was not what the family,
or the Kurds, wanted or expected.
In March of 2004, two reporters of the Ulkede Ozgur
Gundem interviewed a Kurdish turncoat, Abdulkadir Aygan, in Ankara,
Turkey. What started as a casual
talk turned into a long conversation that appeared in the pages of the daily
from March 8 to March 15! In
gruesome detail, the killer recounted the murder of 29 Kurds. He implicated 31 Turkish officials,
some of them as high as the provincial governors, the literal sidekicks of the
prime minister of Turkey in Kurdistan.
Among the dead, there was the name of Murat Aslan. He had been, the eyewitnesses were
correct, forced into a white car and taken to an outfit of the Turkish military
called JITEM, which translates to something like, the Military Intelligence
Service. There, he had undergone
unspeakable tortures. I will spare
you the details of how the Turks have perfected that heinous art. Suffice it to note that the prisoners
of Guantˆ°namo are very lucky not to have our masters as their guards. Again, going back to our story, Murat
was then taken to the shore of a tributary of the Tigris River in the vicinity
of Bezamir, a hamlet, in the province of Botan, and executed in close range
with a single shot to his head.
Doused with gasoline, he was then burned on the spot. Unbeknownst to the turncoat and his
murderer friends, a shepherd was watching the whole chilling scene from
afar. A few days later, he
mustered enough courage to visit what was left of the hapless stranger. All he saw was a pile of bones. He buried them on the spot and marked
the place with a few white stones.
Since no one knew the name of the hapless person, word got out that he
must have been a righteous one.
The villagers of the area began visiting the place as a tomb of a
favorite of God. Some of the
afflicted Kurds who have gone to the site have reported blessed recoveries,
similar to those in Bible, after the visit.
One man who was reading this particular newspaper avidly
was the father of the murdered Kurdish student, Izzettin Aslan. He visited the hamlet of Bezamir and
talked to the villagers about the possibility of finding an eyewitness to the
death of his missing son. Sure
enough, the shepherd who had witnessed the whole thing was still alive. He accompanied the father to the gravesite. The search of ten years had come to an
end on the side of a tributary to the Tigris River. If life had been normal, Murat would have stared at his
father's grave, a marked one back in Amed, but here he was, a dad, miles away
from home, staring at a plot of land that might still hold the remnants of his
boy. What could one do under these
circumstances? What would you do
if you were that father? I don't
know it for a fact, but I wouldn't be surprised to hear that he collapsed there
and then. After the visit, he
appealed to the Amed Bar Association for help. The Amed Bar put together a forensic and legal team to
exhume the body. Not six feet, but
one foot into the ground, the members of the team unearthed the bones. The skull, as the turncoat had said,
carried the scar of a single bullet hole.
The DNA tests proved beyond any doubt that he was indeed the son of Mrs.
and Mr. Aslan. Guli, the mother of
the Kurdish student, told a Kurdish reporter, "We suffered a lot. It is an unbearable pain. For ten years, tears never stopped
rolling down our eyes. We could
never forget it. We want our right."
What could possibly be the "right" compensation
for the cold-blooded murder of one's son?
Could it possibly involve an apology from the killers or their
supporters in the Turkish government including the Yale educated prime minister
who, according to some reports, has properties in the United States? Of the 31 people that were implicated
with the confessions of this turncoat, can you guess how many were prosecuted? None! People, who are better versed in human nature than myself,
often say, suffering leads to compassion.
But compassion will only come to the Kurds if their pain is
acknowledged. Treating them like
beasts of prey will only lead to rebellion. Or perhaps the Turks will come up with a new discovery,
their contribution to the civilization if you will, of how to turn humans into
zombies. And this may be the right
time to ask, what is America's role in this blasphemous domination of one race
over another? Aside from Woodrow
Wilson, can someone stand up here and name me one American president who has
stood up for the right of Kurdish people to self-determination? If the World Health Organization can
muster enough strength to send in a delegation to rein in the health crisis in
Kurdistan, why does its parent organization, the United Nations, stand by idly,
in dereliction of it solemn obligations, and let the Turkish government
experiment with the cultural genocide of 20 million Kurds? These are the cracks of our common
humanity posing themselves as dilemmas of our times. Maybe one day we, too, will learn to live side by side as
neighbors with equal rights the way they have learned to do in Europe. In the meantime, you can be sure of one
thing: in spite of our bleak conditions, we are not accepting the yoke of our
neighbors and will continue to fight for our inalienable rights for as long as
we are part of this world.
I have tested your patience and made it to the end of my
presentation. On the exact day in
which Murat Aslan, the young Kurdish university student, was kidnapped, the
residents of a small Czech village called Lidice were holding a memorial
service for 340 men, women, and children that were murdered by the Nazis on
June 10, 1942. Only 52 years
separate these two events; but the mindsets that conceived them were one and
the same. We abhor the authors of
the first deed now, but have adjusted ourselves to live with the perpetrators
of the second so to speak. How
could that be? Perhaps one of you
could explain this mystery to me.
I sure would appreciate it if you could put my mind at ease.
As to what I think of the hanging of Saddam Hussein, let
me answer you with a couple of questions of my own. Imagine if you will, Adolf Hitler didn't commit suicide, but
was caught alive and tried at Nuremberg.
Is it conceivable that he would have been tried only for the crime of
Lidice and then hanged right after?
Do you really think the Russians, the English, the French, the Poles,
the Serbs, the Greeks, the Dutch, the Americans and even the surviving Jews
would have allowed such a miscarriage of justice to take place? If my study of history has taught me
one thing, it is that they would have demanded to know how and when the German
monster ordered the death of their loved ones. That is what I wanted as well with the butcher of Baghdad
and was shocked that he was sent to the gallows for the death of 146 Shiites in
Dujail. I wanted to hear him
recount not just for me, but the whole world, how he murdered one in 20 Kurds,
a quarter million of my compatriots that is to say, in Iraqi Kurdistan. I also wanted to heal, if one could be
healed of these things, so that I could perhaps forgive the people that give
birth to his likes. But the Arabs
and the Americans had other plans.
Whatever they were, they did not serve the cause of justice or that of
peace or that of freedom or that of reconciliation between the Kurds and the
Arabs. An opportunity was
squandered. I felt sorry for the
Middle East. Do I need to add that
I felt the same for your country?