Should
Iraqi Kurds Call Turkish Bluff?
By Dr.
Mohammed M.A. Ahmed
November
15, 2002
In collusion with the media, the
Turkish government has embarked on a relentless misinformation campaign against
the Kurds of Iraq with a view to spreading fear and despair among them. A day
does not go-by without Turkey threatening their peaceful Kurdish neighbors with
occupation unless they abandon their call for the creation of a federal system
of government in Iraq. Turkey has often used the Turkmen front to disturb the
peace and tranquility in southern Kurdistan in order to distort the image of
the Kurdish Regional Government. Its so-called historical claim on the Kurdish
region has raised considerable concern among the Iraqi Kurds who have already
suffered unimaginable pain and losses in the hands of Saddam Hussein since the
early 1970s. Turkey does not seem to be concerned with the security and
stability of the Kurdish region, but it wants to place its hands on its oil and
water resources. Turkey’s design is to create a Turkish republic in
southern Kurdistan, similar to that in Cyprus, by placing some 5 million Kurds
under the hegemony of about 0.5 million Turkmen.
Turkey claims that the creation of
a Kurdish entity in southern Kurdistan-Iraq might encourage its Kurdish
population to demand the same rights. If it has any faith in its democratic
institutions, Turkey should test the true desire and aspirations of its Kurdish
population through its electoral system. Why should Turkey fear the outcome of
its own so-called democratic processes? The Kurdish activists in Turkey have
already renounced armed struggle in exchange for democracy and political
freedom of which they have been deprived for about eighty years. There is no
justification for a state with the second largest army in the world and with
up-to-date sophisticated military hardware to fear a handful of peaceful
Kurdish activists. Turkey should be able to pacify its Kurdish population by
allowing them to freely participate in local and national elections and by
letting them choose their own representatives for the Turkish parliament. In
its recent elections, Turkey used all possible means to deprive some 20 million
Kurds of representation in its parliament.
Turkey has so far failed to stop
the Kurds of southern Kurdistan from building their infant democratic
institutions, in which various ethnic and religious groups have actively
participated. Instead of helping the Iraqi Kurds to build a stable democracy
next door, they are trying to squash it by using all possible means. Though the
Iraqi Kurds are no match for the Turkish military power, they could certainly
give Turkey a bloody nose. In the event of war against Saddam, Turkey is likely
to occupy the rich oil fields of Kirkuk and Mosul under the pretext that it
wants to prevent a large-scale Kurdish exodus to Turkey. The occupation threats
of Turkey is very real and is of major concern to the Kurds, who have already
suffered greatly in the hands of Saddam Hussein. Without justice there will be
no peace in the region. It is in the interest of regional peace and stability
that Turkey exercises greater self-restrain and pays due respect to the Kurdish
people, who helped them establish the present state of Turkey.
In the event of a United States war
against Iraq, it is unlikely that the Kurds will be able to prevent the Turkish
invasion of their land. Through its persistent threats and misinformation,
Turkey is partly responsible for spreading the seeds of discord among members
of the Iraqi opposition groups and among the neighboring countries regarding
the future form of government after Saddam Hussein. In order to confuse the
issue, some opposition groups and individuals contend that federalism should be
based on regional demarcation of territories and not on ethnicity. The Kurdish
region, where the Kurds have lived for thousands of years, happened to have
clear historical boundaries. It is quite obvious that some quarters do not wish
to see the Kurds have any respite from continued repression by their neighbors.
If the Turkish threats persist, it is likely that the gains made by the Iraqi
Kurds since 1991 will vanish, especially if the two major Kurdish political
parties remain divided.
The Kurds must realize that time is
of the essence. In order to gain control of their own destiny, the Kurds might
have to decide soon, before the likely United States military attack against
Iraq, whether they should stand by their demand for a federal system of
government or to continue appease Turkey without any reciprocity. The
postponement of elections as well as the unification of the two local
governments in southern Kurdistan for after regime change in Iraq might be
detrimental to the Kurdish cause. The rumors have it that it would be more
convenient for the United States to have the Kurdish enclave divided between
the two major Kurdish political parties until after the regime change in
Baghdad. This would give the United States more flexibility to address
Turkey’s concern about the possible emergence of a federal system of
government in Iraq. Preservation of the status quo would enable the United
States to apportion governorships to different political leaders as Britain did
in Iraq after World War I. It is not likely that the United States will
undersell Turkey in favor of gaining Kurdish friendship.
In view of its narrow vision of the
future map of the region, Turkey would most likely create many obstacles for
the Kurds to cross. Until now, the Iraqi Kurds have failed to convince Turkey
that changes in their future political status will improve and will not weaken
Turkey’s future security and stability. What is there to lose for the
Kurds of Iraq if they openly and firmly called for autonomy, or a federal
system of government, or for self-determination in Iraq? Why should the Kurds
be afraid of Turkish occupation of southern Kurdistan? It might be in the
long-run interest of the Kurdish nation to have southern Kurdistan occupied by
Turkey. This will not only reintegrate the two largest parts of Kurdistan under
one occupation, but it will also strengthen and energize the overall Kurdish
political movement. Instead of dealing with some 20 million Kurds, Turkey would
have to counter the demands of some 25 million Kurds for greater freedom. This
will certainly give Turkey’s officials aconsiderable amount of
indigestion.
It is time that the Iraqi Kurdish
politicians place aside their party interests and embark on a mission of
salvaging the future of their nation in southern Kurdistan-Iraq. Diplomacy,
cool heads, pragmatism, and dialogue are certainly preferable to
confrontations. However, Turkey has totally exploited the weak bargaining
position of the Kurds in its own total advantage. The relationship with Turkey
has been mostly one sided, with the exception of a limited trade across its
borders and granting travel permits to some Kurdish travelers. The Kurdish
appeasement policy of the past eleven years has not yielded any political gain
to the Kurds of southern Kurdistan. On the contrary, it has politically divided
and weakened the Kurds and has strengthened Turkey’s argument that the
emergence of a Kurdish entity in northern Iraq will threaten the safety and
security of the neighboring countries. The recent bold rebuff of Turkish
officials by Masud Barzani might have been well over-due.