The Turkish National Security Council Okayed the Death Squads

 

by Ismet Berkan

Monday, December 9, 1996

 

Radikal

 

(There are a number of inaccuracies in this piece.  One thing is quite clear: the author cites documents to discredit his Turkish subjects, but he relies on complete hearsay to do the same with the Kurdish side of his argument.  But because it was allowed to be printed in Turkey, we thought you should see it.)

 

 

In essence everything can be traced to the beginning of 1992.  Then the Turkish Chief of Staff adopted new strategic measures in its fight against the PKK.  Up until then the Turkish soldiers would respond to the attacks and once the fighting was over pursue the attackers.  It was decided then that the Turkish soldiers needed to be trained like the guerrilla forces and do the same by attacking them before their attacks on the Turkish installations.  These strategic changes soon began to bear fruit.  The attackers now were the Turkish soldiers not the PKK.  The PKK was on the run and the Turkish soldiers were on their tail.

 

Over time, the PKK withdrew from its bases among the population centers and took to the mountains to hide itself.  But the government of Turkey continued to go on with its war on terrorism.  This time, the [Kurdish] villages were evacuated to deny the PKK its logistical base through which it was sustaining itself.  These measures did weaken the PKK considerably and there were those who thought that [indeed] it would "whither away."

 

These measures, however, did not just envision the plan of turning the conflict in the southeast [Turkey] into a "low intensity conflict."  A decision was taken to "actively" pursue the termination of the sources of help that were sustaining this source of terror.  Then some could even project that by "Spring [of 1992]," this thing would come to an end.

 

The plan that was to be implemented was actually a brain child of the British.  This new tactic had two legs.  The first required that you catch the terrorist before he/she commits his/her deed and if need be you kill him/her. The second leg of the tactic required that you equate all those who support these terrorists as terrorists.

 

These strategic changes were on the agenda of the National Security Council towards the end of 1992.

 

The author of these lines was permitted to see a National Security Council document which laid down the plans for the formation of an organization of this nature with the names of some individuals who could take part in it.  Abdullah Catli was one of those names.  The others included the members of the Special Teams [crack Turkish units], some soldiers and some friends of Mr. Catli.

 

This new tactic ran into opposition at first at the National Security Council.  The President of Turkey, Turgut Ozal, and the Commander of the Turkish Armed Forces, Esref Bitlis opposed the suggestion that the state work together with the fugitives.

 

Perhaps it is not unrelated to this, but, it is, an interesting coincidence that the opponents of this plan, General Bitlis and President Ozal, soon died. One had an accident; the other had a heart attack.

 

Suleyman Demirel became President and Tansu Ciller the Prime Minister.  Prime Minister Ciller in her first days was rather soft.  She would mention the Bask model as a solution and would pay visits to the leaders of the opposition parties.

 

But suddenly Prime Minister Ciller changed.  She became the toughest of all and an inimitable hawk beside.  She would always say, "We will eradicate them and we will eradicate them."  She would not say anything else. It was obvious that she believed that it would soon end.

 

This plan no longer had opponents and it could again be discussed at the National Security Council.  It was discussed and approved in the fall of 1993.  You may want to call it "the Gladio [or the Death Squads]," I will call it a "secret organization" which was established by a decision of the assembled.

 

The Turkish government, according to figures released then, was spending some 8 billion dollars annually to combat the PKK.  The PKK too was not far behind in its expenditures: some of the Turkish officials at the top were quoting a figure of 3 billion dollars.

 

When Mrs. Ciller became the Prime Minister, the PKK had two sources of income:  1. drugs and extortion money.  2. the donations that were being collected in Europe.

 

At first, the European money dried up.  At first Germany and then France closed down the associations belonging to the PKK and prevented them from collecting money.  PKK in both countries went underground.

 

There was also the drug money.  Here then the secret organization needed to display its work.

 

We all remember the invocations of Prime Minister Ciller in those days.  "We are going to dry up the sources of support for PKK."

 

Behcet Canturk, Savas Buldan, Yusuf Ekinci, Haci Karay, Adnan Yildirim, Medet Serhat and Omer Lutfu Topal.

 

All these names one way or another were implicated with the drug trafficking.  None is present to shed some light on this issue.  They either were selling drugs on behalf of PKK or were forced to share part of their income with it.  In any case, some money was earmarked for PKK.  All were put out of commission [murdered].

 

Ozgur Ulke, the daily newspaper, was the voice of PKK.  Abdullah Ocalan would write articles in it with a nom de guerre, Ali Firat.  The headquarters of this paper in several cities  were bombed.  According to some, some of the bomb throwers were caught by Istanbul Police, but they were released immediately by orders that came from the "top".

 

I write these lines based on the document that was shared with me with the condition that I do not make a copy of it or take notes about it.  I was told to read it fast and I did.

 

I have weighed the accuracy of the information in the document relative to the events that have taken place [over the course of these years] and wish that the "news" was incorrect.  I have no doubts that today, as soon as this writing reaches you, you will also be told that it is completely untrue. My only wish is that, I hope, those who will wrong me will tell you the truth.

 

(Translated by the staff of the American Kurdish Information Network)