For a Kurd, Turkish Democracy Means Terrorism

An interview with Cemil Bayik, An ARGK (People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan) Commander

by Sheri Laizer

Cemil Bayik was born in Elazig, north Kurdistan in 1955, the eldest of four children. A brilliant student, he was sent on a state scholarship to study at Teacher Training College in Malatya and then continued on to university in Ankara. It was there that he became acquainted with a Turkish classmate, Kemal Pir, who later introduced him to Abdullah Ocalan. The three became friends whose political choices would change each other's lives for ever. Like Ocalan, Bayik was also the victim of an assassination attempt-just days before the latest Turkish elections on December 24, 1995.

ON BEING A KURD

To become a Kurd is to throw yourself into the fire - economically, mentally, physically. Once it was considered shameful to be Kurdish; it meant you were not a full human being. For example, as a younger man and writer, Yasar Kemal saw there was no life, no future as a Kurd (Kemal achieved success and fame in exchange for forsaking his identity), but no sooner had he denounced the dirty war going on in Turkey than he lost everything -his fame and his name. Compare this with the predicament of any ordinary Kurd and ask what Turkish democracy means to him. It is terrorism that is being practiced against him.

THE ROLE OF WOMEN

We say that it is the women who have allowed us to carry on our struggle so long. Without them fighting at our side it would have been much harder. It is also the women who are both the source of our Kurdish-ness and of our humanity. Man have lost half of both. Sometimes I say this at meetings and the women applaud. But it is a fact. Because of this, they are successful. Because they are closer to people, their humanity is stronger; deriving from the lives they lead, quick to feel both pain and compassion, quick to respond. Their sensitivity is the source of life.

THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT'S ASSASSINATION CAMPAIGN

As part of their pre-election campaign, that department of the regime responsible for organizing the special war against Kurdistan also directed special operations against the PKK's leadership. They publicized this during the campaign itself : there were to be attempts at our abduction as well as our assassination, whether they brought us in dead or alive. Their strategies were centered around this at the election rallies, but they were unsuccessful. The Special War Team (Ozel Savas Ekibi) included Prime Minister Tansu Ciller, Unal Erkan (The former Emergency Region "Super" Governor), Mehmet Agar (former police chief), Necdet Menzir and their close allies. I was in Arbil when the assassination attempt against me was made, just one week before the elections. A package containing enough plastic explosive to topple a multi-storey building, attached to a timing device which had been concealed near the wall of the building in which I was staying. When the bomb was discovered, there was only one hour left to blast-off. In the recent assassination attempt against Abdullah Ocalan in May of this year, we were aware of the possibility but not the timing. The Turkish regime had published a target list last year in which they deliberately mixed up the upper levels of the PKK's leadership with the lower as a trick to confuse people. They would list someone who held no position whatsoever as one of the top level leaders.

ANOTHER CYPRUS

The Turkish Government is very active in south Kurdistan. The census figures for Turkomans are deliberately boosted by the Turkish Red Crescent which operates there. They take them to be brain washed for special training in death squads (infazlar) in order to carry out disruptive activities back in the south. The situation is very dangerous. A number of prominent personnel from MIT are logged in the south in the offices of the Red Crescent, as well as enjoying the protection of the two main parties. These include the General Staff (whose most effective and active officer in planning is under special protection in Salahaddin). These people even play a role on some local committees. After the war between ourselves and the KDP in 1995, some of these agents from MIT were allowed to interrogate our prisoners. If the local parties allow the region to be turned into another Cyprus they'll realize what they've done.

ISRAEL-TURKEY AGREEMENT

This new agreement is clearly extensive and has implications for the entire Middle East as well as upon the Kurdish movement. It is an attempt to create a new bloc in the region. The influence extends far beyond the region itself and will also be reflected in Europe. It would seem that France and Germany, among other nations oppose the Turkey-Israel-USA bloc. It could also pose a considerable problem for relations between USA and Europe. With in the terms of this agreement, the PKK is designated as target. Israeli experts are currently educating the Turks and taking part in their operations. Israel is supplying landmines, rolled barbed wire and trip wires which illuminate the border. Mines are attached to the wires which light up illuminating the area where tripped. There is a large force in position on the hills above Isikveren where this work has been carried out already. Turkey's invasion of south Kurdistan in March 1995 was conducted with the support of Israeli officers. They played a role in both the planning and technical aspects. Intelligence- sharing is directed against both Iran and Syria. This literally cuts Turkey off from its neighbors. Although the Refah Party expressed discomfort it made no attempt to oppose the pact. Syria, Egypt and Iraq also expressed approval and threatened Turkey. Jordan, as an ally of America, was however supportive. This line-up opens a wider front for our struggle politically. Turkey is becoming isolated in the region and opposed by its neighbors because it has targeted Iran, Iraq, and Syria. The Kurdish movement can gain a breathing space from this, as the Arab countries now view the Kurdish Question as a major card. This is one of the most important development we have witnessed in the region in recent times and may prompt big changes to the status quo. The PKK's importance also clearly emerges. The PKK takes on grater significance, whether as friend or foe. New political opportunities are opening up for us. For the first time, a number of Arab countries have joined the same side as the Kurds, in opposition. The PKK can extend its front and carry on its struggle more comfortably. The two blocs depend on the PKK's position as a significant force in both north and south Kurdistan.

A LAMENTABLE SITUATION IN SOUTH KURDISTAN

After the Gulf War, America's influence was clearly exposed because the other Kurdish parties were not prepared for, nor planned to be, in power, they lost their opportunities. We have tried to make those same possibilities useful for the Kurdish people. This was the main reason for the war between us, in 1992, and again in 1995. It is a little different now as the influence of the KDP and PUK is waning. But to this day the new party in the south is not allowed the freedom to move. Democracy is in crisis. The old parties attempts to remain in power in the same old form has held the region back and inhibits the development of South Kurdistan. These parties encourage internal collapse and are in fact allowing the region to decline.

THE PKK AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOUTH

The lack of a political solution and of development makes for an uncertain future for south Kurdistan. Neither can economic development occur without a democratic federation. The other problems cannot be resolved without resolving the status of south Kurdistan in relation to Iraq. Although the National Congress cannot solve everything, it could still have been an opening. The KDP and PUK obstructed it as it didn't serve their interests because the people would then be bound to the congress and not to them. It would bring about an end to the power of the militias. The PUK says, "Yes we are in favor of the Congress", but opposes it in practice. The KDP says "its too early!" They were presented with all the necessary opportunities to run south Kurdistan in 1991; everything they needed to run a government was there after Saddam left the region. After all this time we are still trying to revive the south Kurdistan parliament and get them back on their feet. Either there will be a democratic federation or it will be end of the road.

MY OWN POSITION

I didn't go to the mountains for this, for so many villages to be burnt down and people murdered, that the wishes of this or that government could be implemented at the expense of our people and our children. Since the end of 1975, I've been active whether in the mountains or the cities. But it is worse now. We are here to make sure that the events of 1975 in south Kurdistan are not repeated, even if Saddam returns. The two local parties accused us of having relations with Saddam which we didn't have. How dare they criticize us when they were the ones who had such relations with him. We didn't say anything. For example, Jalal Talabani saying "Turkey is a democracy!" When in 1993, the Turks attacked us with 50 jet fighters in Zele it was because a senior PUK member had shown them exactly where we were. Their aim was to wipe us out full-scale and leave no one alive.

SOUTHERN KURDS IN THE PKK

There are more recruits now but the southern Kurds find the discipline tough, or join because of the problem of hunger. Then they take their guns away and sell them. It is the same with the KDP and PUK. They join each other's parties taking their weapons to sell.

POWs AND POLITICAL IMPASSE

The red cross came a number of times to see the prisoners we had captured. The prisoners are now all staying in one place and have become part of the way of war life there, dressed in the same clothes as everyone else and treated as guests rather than as prisoners. They willingly joined us. They don't want to go back to Turkey, especially without some international guarantees. Some want to go to Europe. They would have left before now had there been any international progress or someone to take responsibility for them. Others want to stay and fight on our side anyhow. They are mostly Turkish by origin. The Turkish government has not responded to their families' requests despite the mediation of the Red Cross. They ignore them. Some letters have been exchanged with their families. We invited their families to come and visit them but the Turkish government wouldn't allow them. Even so, some families came and saw them. Some of these mothers of soldiers and guerrillas are also uniting to work together for peace, but the Turkish government behaves aggressively as usual. The CHP (PeopleÕs Republican Party) also reacted negatively. There us a new endeavor for families to work together for peace. After some meetings with German delegations we have considered a German proposal that Nelson Mandela mediate between ourselves and government. We consider that this could be positive.

PEACE AND THE CEASE-FIRE

At present the operations which the Turkish government is carrying out in Kurdistan are intensely destructive despite the unilateral cease-fire. We want to carry on with the cease-fire but it is very difficult. It can not continue much longer. The Turkish government says the PKK is finished and that we are playing for time, whereas it is they who are doing it. The international organizations know our position. The Kurdish people and the outside world have responded positively to our initiative and to the various international peace movements campaigning for peace in Kurdistan. But these are still insufficient in response to the massive use of force against us. Turkey has not changed at all. Their operations continue daily. What clearly emerges is that Turkey does not favor a political solution and relies solely on a military solution. From our point of view, we have achieved considerable success proving we want peace. Conversely, the militaristic face of Turkey has been exposed. Turkey advances against us with the sole object of annihilation and we can but defend ourselves against her. A massive devastation of the natural environment is taking place. The army poisons the wells, kills the crops, burns the forests-even the birds and animals are slaughtered. How much longer are we to wait?